More than Just Warriors: Looking at the logistics of Norman’s Power Relations and Mercantile System.

 

Recently there has been an onslaught of fanaticism for ‘Viking’ culture, with an influx of Viking television shows, films and other aspects within pop culture.

However modern cultural imagination only captures certain aspects of Scandinavian Viking culture, predominantly their brutal violence, while snubbing the rest. Granted these predatory Vikings were vicious in nature, but they represent only a portion in the grand mosaic of Scandinavian life. Due to this predominantly one-sided interpretation of Vikings, many people perceive the whole of Scandinavian culture through this ‘Viscous Viking’ lens attributing those nasty characteristics to all of its inhabitants. However, the circumstances are much more complex. While there were Vikings who both raided and traded their loot, there were also professional Norman merchants who greatly influenced the trade network by honest means.

The aim of this blog is to acknowledge that yes those piratical ‘Vikings’ of Scandinavia were of vital importance for the region’s economic success. However I argue that the professional Norman traders had a much greater long-term impact on Scandinavia, as well as in the regions they established trade relations with. While the Viking legacy of raiding and military conquest trickled to a stop by the end of the 11^th century, the legacies of Norman trade networks continued on. My goal is to bring to light the logistics of Scandinavian political power relations and their mercantile trade network, which dominated during the Viking Age. In doing so I hope to paint a fuller and clearer picture of Scandinavian society that does not put all of its interest solely in the violent aspects of their civilization.

First off, we need to begin by setting a context as to what the conditions where like in Scandinavia and how this influenced them to set out across the Northern sea for plunder and land. When I refer to Scandinavia, I use the region as shorthand to encompass all the regions where ‘Vikings’ or Norsemen were prevalent including Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Iceland and Greenland.

There were various forces that contributed to the pressures felt by the Scandinavians during this time period just before the onset of the Viking age; firstly there was the shrinking of agricultural land due to the growing population[1], though there is little physical evidence of this it is through the accounts of European clerics such as Adam of Bremen who tell us this.[2] Another contributing factor was the looming threat of the Frankish empire, their Emperor Charlemagne who is argued to be just as violent and cruel as the Vikings if not more so, who was paying serious attention to Danish affairs spurring them to oppose and lash out militarily.[3] Something as simple as curiosity or even the constant threat of violence could of spurred exploration, but overall what is considered to be the primary driving factor for exploration and migration was the search for wealth whether it was transferable wealth in the form of loot or slaves, fixed wealth in the form of land or even wealth through employment[4]; referring to the Scandinavians or ‘otherwise known as ‘Varangians’ who served the Byzantine empire as mercenaries. [5]

Regardless of how they acquired their wealth, having it was imperative for Scandinavian Chieftains political power. This was because the political nature of Scandinavia toward the onset of the Viking age had shifted from a traditional tribal based society dependent on kinship ties to political units dominated by chieftains supporting themselves with private armies.[6] In order to maintain their private armies Chieftains had to keep their warriors pleased so as to lay the foundations for a new cycle of violence for the coming raids, thereby bringing in further wealth. These chieftains used this acquired wealth to inspire loyalties and fellowships among their warriors through feasting, drinking, entertainment and most importantly, gift giving; in return for their chieftain’s generosity those warriors would gladly give their military service.[7]

Scandinavian Chieftains were constantly in competition with one another for power, and in order for a chieftain to maintain his prestige over his army he needed to fuel this gift economy system through the acquisition of loot and more importantly exotic luxury goods.[8] Chieftains needed to demonstrate their power and wealth, and the best way to do this was to be a generous host and to import the most valuable and exotic trade goods used to decorate their halls and to give gifts in an inflationary spiral of competitive gift giving.[9] While raids, ransoms, tributes, and mercenary wages were one source of income that brought in coins (exclusively silver), jewelry and other precious metals, they did little in obtaining these exotic luxurious goods so desperately needed. And so in response to this demand for trade goods that only merchants could provide, Scandinavian chieftains organized trade networks that resulted in trade towns being settled throughout Europe.

Both the raiding Vikings and the Norman merchants were essential for the economic success of Scandinavia. In fact aside from the murdering, raping and chaos that they unleashed, the timing of these Viking raids was actually the best thing that could have happened for Western Europe. You see, at this point in time Western Europe was suffering from a negative balance of trade. Elites, such as royalty and members of the church throughout the region, had been demanding expensive eastern luxuries such as silk, spices, gems and many other commodities [10] (not so different from the Scandinavians after all). Now these eastern merchants where solely interested in exchanging their goods for gold or silver and were less interested in the barter exchange of European products. This ongoing trade resulted in the rapid depletion of Western Europe’s treasuries, which could not be replenished as easily as it was emptied since European mines were able to produce only a limited amount of silver and practically no gold.[11] Not to mention in circa 793 the Frankish Emperor Charlemagne increased the weight of the Frankish silver penny from 1.4 grams to 1.7, which did not help their growing crisis.[12] The wealth that was still present in Western Europe was in the form of chalices, reliquaries and other church treasures. However these were kept out of circulation, stagnant in the confines of the church that is until the Vikings arrived. Thanks to the Vikings, when they mercilessly raided monasteries and churches they took those stagnant sources of wealth that were once inert, and redistributed the majority of it back into circulation through economic exchange, thereby rebooting Western Europe’s economy. Not all of this loot went back into circulation however, and much of it was stashed in hordes throughout Scandinavia, for instance 51,000 English silver pennies from the period 990-1051 where found. In fact there are more surviving English coinage found in Scandinavia than in England.[13] Now that wealth was removed from the possession of the churches and into the hands of Vikings, this is where the Norman Merchants imperative role came into the forefront of the time.

With the accumulated wealth that the Viking raiders brought into the picture, paired with the highly valued northern exports, the Scandinavians had the ingredients necessary in order to become an economic superpower. Some of the exports from various regions during the Viking age include:[14]

Vínland: timber
Greenland: walrus ivory, furs, skins, wool
Iceland: fish, animal fat, wool cloth and clothing, sulfur, falcons
England: tin, wheat, honey, woolens, silver, barley, linen
Russia: slaves, furs, wax, honey
Byzantium: silks, fruits, spices, wines, gems, silver, jewelry, brocade
Frankish kingdoms: weapons, jewelry, wine, glass, salt, woolen cloth
Shetland Islands: soapstone
Norway: timber, iron, soapstone, whetstones, barley, tar
Sweden: iron, furs
East Baltic regions: amber, slaves, furs

In the beginning, trading was done over short distances, to and from dozens of ports around the Scandinavian coasts. As I previously mentioned, in its initial stages, Vikings who raided would also trade their goods personally in order to verify the quality and quantity rather than forfeit their goods to a representative.[15] Eventually Scandinavian Chieftains organized the creation and implementation of international trading centers that began to emerge on coasts, fjords and river mouths along shallow rivers, serving as gateways into the interior of the continent.[16]

 

Their access to these river highways was made possible by their unique fast and flexible ships that could travel up these shallow river ways. There existed two different types of ships, differing in form and function. One such ship was a long sleek warship, whose form was used by the Viking raiders to spring surprise attacks on unsuspecting towns while also being used by merchants to navigate up shallow river routes. The second form of ship was a broad short cargo ship, created for the function of supporting bulk trade meant more for open sea voyages.[17] I won’t go into detail concerning the Viking ships since someone has already done so! For more information concerning the craftsmanship and design of the Viking shipwrights, click here.

These trading towns popped up along extensive trade routes that were able to reach as far as the Black and Caspian Sea.[18] The river networks gave entry and access into Constantinople, connecting Norman merchants with traders from Arabia, Africa and the Far East, which gave them access to these fine luxurious and exotic items that they were able to bring back to Scandinavia, along with hordes of Arab minted silver of the Caliphate.[19][20] Many of these trading towns flourished and still exist today, such as Dublin and Kiev. In contrast, other such trade routes faltered, for instance Hedeby and Birka, after fundamental changes in the Scandinavian society and economy, as well as the decline of the Caliphate, which was the main source of luxury goods.[21]

These permanent markets brought on a wave of urbanization to these centers influencing craftsman to come and develop manufactured goods on a commercial scale, but what is likely the biggest influence these trade markets had on Scandinavian culture is a monetary one through the gradual shift to standardized currency.[22] Prior to their use of currency, Scandinavians had no respect for the integrity of a coin; all that was important was its silver content. And so exchanges were done using balance scales and sets of weights, archaeological evidence supports this in that a number of these artefacts have been found all over Scandinavia.[23] But toward the 11^th century as royal foundations were further cemented, respective kings implemented their power upon their controlled regions, minting coinage and enforcing its use within its trading centers thereby rendering the scales and weights obsolete.[24]

As the Scandinavian trade networks expanded into the reaches of the North Atlantic, Central Europe and even Eurasia, the merchants brought with them not only their trade goods but also their customs, language and genes spurring political and social change enabling them to enter the mainstream of European history[25]. By explaining the systemization of Scandinavian political power relations and trade networks, it was my goal to demonstrate how the Scandinavians had more to offer to the history books than just violence. The histories of Scandinavians during the Viking age can demonstrate an attractive blend of masculinity, strength, adventure, northern heartiness and perseverance, something that the culture can be proud of. Scandinavian culture encompasses many elements, and though people are susceptible to being drawn to only the violent aspects of the history they must not neglect their mercantile prowess which is arguable one of the most influential variables in the history of Europe.

 

[1] http://www.lonelyplanet.com/norway/history

[2] Holman, Katherine. The A to Z of the Vikings. Lanham: Scarecrow, 2009. P.15

[3] Winroth, Anders. The Age of the Vikings. Princeton University Press,2014 p.132

[4] Holman, Katherine. The A to Z of the Vikings. Lanham: Scarecrow, 2009. P.16

[5] Winroth, Anders. The Age of the Vikings. Princeton University Press,2014 p.24

[6] http://freya.theladyofthelabyrinth.com/

[7] Ibid

[8] Winroth, Anders. The Age of the Vikings. Princeton University Press,2014 p.105

[9] Sawyer, P. H. Early Medieval Kingship. Reprint. ed. Leeds: U of Leeds, 1977. P.139-158

[10] Winroth, Anders. The Age of the Vikings. Princeton University Press,2014 p.124

[11] Ibid

[12] Ibid

[13] M.A.S. BlackBurn and M.S. Metcalf, “Viking Age Coinage in the Northern Lands’, Oxford, 1981. P.147-255

[14] http://www.hurstwic.org/history/articles/daily_living/text/Towns.htm

[15] Ibid

[16] Meier, Dirk. Seafarers, Merchants and Pirates in the Middle Ages. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell, 2006. P.111

[17] Winroth, Anders. The Age of the Vikings. Princeton University Press,2014 p.75

[18] Campbell, James, and Gareth Williams. SILVER ECONOMY IN THE VIKING AGE. Walnut Creek: Left Coast, 2010. P.177

[19] http://www.hurstwic.org/history/articles/daily_living/text/Towns.htm

[20] Winroth, Anders. The Age of the Vikings. Princeton University Press,2014 p.199

[21] Ibid

[22] Campbell, James, and Gareth Williams. SILVER ECONOMY IN THE VIKING AGE. Walnut Creek: Left Coast, 2010. P.177

[23] Winroth, Anders. The Age of the Vikings. Princeton University Press, 2014 p.126

[24] Ibid

[25] Ibid p.12

Theory about pre-Columbian contacts between Polynesian populations and American natives

Polynesians are native populations that emigrated from Taiwan and Asian mainland (China) around 3000 BC to islands situated in the Pacific Ocean. As populations living in isolated islands, Polynesian possess a navigation system that is peculiar to them. Indeed, it features sewn-plank boats, relies on memory and knowledge of stars, currents and waves [I]. The main particularity of their navigation system opposed to the European one is the non-utilization of tools like sextant or compass. As Polynesian’s direct surroundings were islands, navigation was a predominant component of their societies and thus, navigators had a high status. Europeans first encountered Polynesian populations in the 16^th century and then experienced hard times comprehending their navigation system given its abovementioned specificities. In the western world, it notably raised the question of how Polynesians could have emigrated from Asia without sextant or compass and by solely using sewn-plank boats, waves, stars, weather and stars, in other terms how could they navigate with a system that seemed opposed to the latest advanced technologies. In the middle of the 20^th century, Thor Heyerdahl established the theory that Polynesian in fact originated from South-America. If this theory was later counteracted, it led to other theories stating that Polynesians might have had contact with South American populations before the arrival of the Europeans on the American continent in the 15^th-16^th century. Such a theory actually has a solid set evidences taken from diverse fields such as genetic, linguistic as well as vegetables. The pre-Columbian contact between Polynesians and native Americans’ theory actually challenges the perception of what Columbian exchanges really were: Did Europeans really introduced chicken in America or was it a long-known and long-grown product in America before the 16^th century? Do Polynesians and native American share genetic feature?

What concrete proofs have theories about pre-Columbian contacts between American natives and Polynesian been established through?

Food is considered as the most credible evidence of pre-Columbian contact with American natives. It involves sweet potato and chicken bone that could have been found in Polynesian islands as well as on the mainland.

A study, wrote by Patrick Kirch in 2007[II] with the help of several scholars and scientists coming from diverse countries (Australia, United-States, New-Zealand…) analyzed the DNA of chickens found in Polynesia and America. This study intends to determinate whether there is a link between them and brings arguments to support the pre-Columbian contact theory.

Thomas Grennes asserts, in his article “The Columbian exchanges and the reversal fortune” [III] that chicken was brought to Americas as a new product that “added to food diversity”. Chicken is commonly added in the list of the animals brought from the old world. However, in 1532, Pizzaro discovered that chicken was already fully part of the Incan life: in no case was chicken something new in America before the first encounter between Europeans and American natives. Besides, the same study written by Patrick Kirch confirms that chicken was not attested as native to the American continent: this fact laid the foundation of the pre-Columbian theory. Chicken, then, would have been brought to the Americas through ancient contacts that occurred with Polynesians. Polynesians, when they moved from Asian mainland to Polynesian islands, introduced pigs, rats, dogs and chicken into their new habitat. The study written by Patrick V. Kirch states that chicken first appeared in Polynesian islands between 3000 and 2800 BP and, furthermore, indicates that chicken with a “Polynesian genetic signature” is still found nowadays in Chilean chicken. All those facts can only lead one to the conclusion that chicken indeed reached native American populations before the arrival of colonists although it does not offer precisions about how it occurred. At any rate, this articles allow to assert that Polynesian contact with American natives actually happened. Plus, it demonstrates that the commonly spread idea that chicken was a new animal brought by European settlers on the continent is not entirely true.

Others evidences based on sweet potato and bottle gourds are widely utilized to argue that contact between Polynesian populations and native American occurred.

Initially, early theories suggested that bottle gourds (also known as Calabash) were introduced in America by floating all the way from Polynesian islands. It is only in 2005 that David Erickson and other scholars argued the possibility of that it might have been introduced in the Americas by Polynesian populations as its DNA proved it came from Asia rather than Africa [IV]. Two years later, in 2007, Patrick Kirch stated that American haplotypes have been found in Polynesian bottle gourds. Eventually, in 2014, the mystery might have been solved when a researcher, Logan Kistler [V] supported the thesis that bottle gourds could not have been introduced in the Americas because it would have had to be planted in the Bering Area, which is way too cold to grow Calabash. Logan Kistler asserts that bottle gourds found in Polynesian islands are more closely related to Asian ones. As a consequence, evidences related to bottle gourds to support the thesis of pre-Columbian exchanges between the Americas and the Polynesian islands seem to be now challenged by Kistler’s study.

A bottle gourd

Nevertheless, sweet potato seems to offer more credible support. Although it is asserted that sweet potato comes from the American continent, more precisely from the Andes, Patrick Kirch reported that sweet potato had been found in Mangaia, a Polynesian Islands that is part of the Cook Islands. This would imply that sweet potato was brought to Polynesian islands before 1492 and that a pre-Columbian contact occurred. In 2013, the sweet potato theory was supported by a French-based scientist team [VI]. This team published a study asserting that sweet potato presence in the Pacific was in fact due to early Polynesian explorers that came along the shores of America and brought back potato with them.

So far, the sweet potato theory, along with the chicken one are the two that bring most concrete evidence of prehistoric contacts between Polynesian islands populations and native American ones.

Other theories focus on linguistic elements supposedly shared between native American populations and Polynesians. Main studied elements are words related to canoes utilized to navigate, which would be credible given the nature of Polynesian surroundings: islands. The Dr. Kathryn A. Klar, linguist at the University of California, Berkeley [VII], proposed a theory linking words coming from Chumash tribes and from Tongva tribe, two native groups located in present day California, in the area of Los Angeles, in the United-States. The Chumash word for “sew-plank canoe”, ‘tomolo’ to the Polynesian word ‘kumula ‘au’ designating redwood logs that Polynesian natives utilized for their construction. Other examples include ‘Ti’at’ the Tongva word meaning “sewn-plank boat” which is exactly the same Central Eastern Polynesian but signifies “to sew”, taraina, another Tongva word designating any kind of boat and which is very close to talai, a word originated from the Polynesian cultural are that means “to hew wood”. A last example is the Chumash word ‘kalui’, originated from Chumash tribes located on Santa Cruz island across from Californian shores, utilized for bone harpoon might have derived from two Polynesian words ‘tala’, meaning “a sharp pointed object” and ‘hui’ meaning “bone”. Considering the fact that Polynesian navigation as well as Native American navigation principally consisted in wooden-constructed boats and sewn-plank boats, the relation between those words seem to be a concrete evidence of a possible pre-Columbian contact. As well, the word kalui and its related Polynesian words are clearly connected with the sea which was the medium of Polynesian and American native groups early contacts. The linguistic theory brings a social dimension that the chicken, calabash and sweet potato theories did not necessarily bring as they revealed a more trade-based side of those pre-Columbian contacts. However, these words date back to 1,200 years ago and are taken from an unwritten language, not forgetting the fact that translating them using the roman alphabet might have altered their pronunciation. The Dr. Kathryn A. Klar utilized the technique of “historical-comparative linguistics” in order to reconstruct these ancient forms which, at any rate, cannot provide a safe assertion regarding language exchanges between Polynesian and American groups.

The third element that allow to support the pre-Columbian contacts between Polynesians and South-American native groups relies on genetic. However, of all the theories previously evoked, the one concerning a share of genetic features among Polynesians and native Americans is the least probable. Indeed, in the 19^th century a slave trade introduced Polynesian natives in the American continent after the arrival of Europeans. This historical fact might be at the origin of the discovering of Polynesian genes within native Americans lineage. Nevertheless, in 2014, Andrew Lawler from the AAAS Science Journal [VIII] reports that a genetic analysis of Polynesian took place in the island of Rapa Nui, in Polynesian islands area. First, European blood made up for 16% of the local populations blood, which is normal given the European presence on the island. Native American blood made up for 8%, which might be explained by the above-mentioned 19^th century slave trade, still, native American blood seemed to be older and corresponded to a pre-Columbian time period between 1300 C.E. and 1500 C.E. The Polynesian developed navigation system and mastering of currents and waves help to establish the theory that they might have voyaged to the Americas with chicken and came back with sweet potato, calabash and eventually, South-American women. If this theory is not counteracted yet, skepticism is raised as DNA samples were taken from 21th century populations. Andrew Lawler quotes Carl Lipo from the California State University, Long Beach: “DNA from “skeletal evidence” rather than “modern evidence” would be preferable in order to have a concrete proof of pre-Colombian contacts”. As stated by Carl Lipo, genetic field might possibly be uncertain, especially if the study is led over more than six hundred years.

To conclude, what at first seemed to be a non-argued theory can actually be supported to a certain extent. I would suggest that the chicken theory might be the most solid as no other alternatives to explain the presence of chicken in pre-Columbian America has been discovered so far and very few arguments come to counteract this theory which give it more credit. Linguistic theories as well as calabash theories has been challenged or does not show a sufficient degree of certitude in the methods utilized to establish them. As to genetic, theories still are too unsure as they are established through old data. Pre-Columbian contacts between Polynesian populations and American natives are yet to be clearly evidenced. If genetic as well as language were to be the two fields to clearly establish these pre-Columbian contacts it would prove a rather strong social, or at least human connections Polynesian and American. It would also demonstrate how advanced and efficient is the Polynesian navigation system as it would signify that native people succeeded in voyaging from Asia to South-America without any European tools and long prior their arrival.

References

[I] Luke Strongman, ““When earth and sky almost meet”: The Conflict between Traditional Knowledge and Modernity in Polynesian Navigation,” Journal of World Anthropology: Occasional Papers,” vol. III n. 2

[II] Patrick V. Kirch, “Radiocarbon and DNA evidence for a pre-Columbian introduction of Polynesian chickens to Chile,” PNAS vol.4 (2007): 10335-10339

[III] Thomas Grennes, “The Columbian Exchanges and the Reversal Fortune,” Cato Journal (Winter 2007): 107

[IV] David L. Erickson, « An Asian origin for a 10,000-year-old domesticated plant in the Americas,” PNAS vol. 102 n. 51: 18315–18320

[V] Logan Kistler et al. “Transoceanic drift and the domestication of African bottle gourds in the Americas,” PNAS vol. 111 n.8 (2014): 2937–2941

[VI] Caroline Roullier, Laure Benoit, Doyle B. McKey and Vincent Lebot, “Historical collections reveal patterns of diffusion of sweet potato in Oceania obscured by modern plant movements and recombination,” PNAS vol. 110 n.6 (2012): 2205–2210

[VII] Kathryn a. Klar, “Linguistic Evidence for a Prehistoric Polynesia—Southern California Contact Event,” Anthropological linguistic vol. 47 n.4, 400

[VIII] “Epic pre-Columbian voyage suggested by genes”, Science AAAS Journal, Andrew Lawler, http://news.sciencemag.org/archaeology/2014/10/epic-pre-columbian-voyage-suggested-genes,

Viking Ships

From roughly 800-1050 CE[1], the Norse Vikings journeyed across the seas and terrified European settlements for a period that lasted roughly 300 years. During this time, over a thousand years ago, some of the bravest men and women traveled and explored both the known and unknown world; even landing on the Eastern shores of North America nearly 500 years before Christopher Columbus. This blog post will examine the craftsmanship and design of an intelligent and powerful group of people we know as the Vikings, and explore why the ship was so essentially valuable.

The Vikings were also known as Norsemen due to the northern Scandinavian countries they hailed from, including Norway, Denmark, and Sweden, and because the common language they shared was called Old Norse. The etymology of the term Viking is less known however, as it is synonymous today with the word raider on account of the terrific Viking Raids that took place in Europe. It is well documented that the Vikings, “hunted slaves, killed, maimed, and plundered over much of Europe…” Despite the sometimes barbaric imagery associated with Viking civilization, historians now know this to be just a piece of their legend and are learning more and more about the complex and fascinating culture.

The Viking ship, a prominent symbol of the Viking age,[2] was a “pinnacle of cultural and symbolic importance never since equalled.”[3] The ships serviced them admirably in times of war; and variations of the long ship were used for trade and travel which probably holds a higher degree for their survival during this historical period. Trading was a necessary part of life in northern Europe, since the cold rough landscape made living rough and conditions too unpredictable for farming.

The Scandinavian Vikings were a civilization that depended primarily on farming and fishing, but also used raids as a means of gathering goods needed for trade throughout their travels. These raids were a necessary part of their survival and despite the bad reputation sometimes associated with the Vikings, they were far from the only groups who did participated in this kind of activity. It should be noted that the era in which they lived was dominated by violent conquest as anyone who has studied history during this time period would know very well. In his book Vikings, Winroth, a Yale history professor argues that “their violence, seen in the historical context, was no worse than that of others in a savage time, when hero’s like Charlemagne killed and plundered on a much greater scale than the northern raiders.” The courage and bravery shown by these warriors translates into the horror stories orally told and later recorded about the Vikings. For instance, Zuhri describes the Viking as “fierce, brave and strong, and excellent seamen… [that] appeared every six or seven years, never in less than 40 ships and sometimes up to 100. They overcame anyone they met at sea…”[3]  This short but powerful description of the Vikings is one of many accounts of their exploits and conquests from both the Islamic and European world. It can be understood from these stories that they were unlike many other groups at that time because of the unpredictable nature and swiftness of their attacks, for which they were reliant upon the Viking long ship, sometimes referred to as the dragon ship, on account of the dragon head found at a burial site.

Viking Ship rebuilt in Oseburg, Norway.

The Viking ship was perhaps the Viking’s greatest triumph and was necessarily their greatest asset for survival thanks largely to the remarkable design. The “Vikings had specialized in shallow draft, light ships being able to be easily managed inshore and into the country on shallow rivers.”[4] The long ship was made from strong timber boards fastened together with iron spikes fitted with wool, hair and tar in between rendering them waterproof.[5] The unique formed ship can be seen below. It allowed the Vikings to travel upriver and inland to surprise victims with lightning quick raids and an equally speedy getaway. “Generally these ships were built to unite light weight, elasticity and structural stability…”[6]  and because the wood was jointed together so resourcefully at each cross frame, the ships were highly maneuverable. Winroth suggests that the average size of these war ships would have been roughly 18 meters long, however the remnants of larger ships have been measured up to 36 meters in length and could carry several dozen warriors. Imagine these great ships, sailing down shallow rivers and hundreds of warriors jumping out onto the shores perhaps only yards away from settlements; there would be no warning and little chance of defending yourself. They often raided churches and monasteries for gold and goods, but also targeted written work done by monks and scribes.

The other quality that separated the Viking ships apart from any other during this time was the combination of oar use and the sailing mast. The mast was crucial in long distance voyages, harnessing the power of wind to carry the lightweight ship across the seas without needing oarsmen to be constantly rowing. The sail was a large square and the hull of every ship was built very strong and mended together with mast. According to Zuhri the sail allowed them to sail, “either forwards or backwards”[7] The entire mast could be taken down during stormy weather and during the raids in order to remain unnoticed while closing in upon their victims; this is a rather extraordinary design technique.

These impressive ships made it possible for journeys to Iceland, Greenland, Vinland, and England; such exploration stories are told in explicit detail in the Vinland Sagas written a few centuries after these journeys had been made. These sagas recount the adventures of Eirik the Red and his son Leif the Lucky. Although the sagas generally note the purposes and challenges of the journey, the passages also recount the use of ships for trade and sailing procedures. For instance, there are stories of how difficult the navigation was, and how the ships, “were tossed about at sea.”[8] There is clear evidence of the importance of merchant trading along the way and even provides further evidence that these voyages were for exploration purposes, colony creation and religious expansion. There is evidence to suggest that the Vikings made their way through to the Persian Gulf and traded among Asian countries.[9] Yngvar’s saga Vioforla recounts the Red Sea being mentioned several times and in these saga demonstrates the great lengths travelled via rivers systems in order to trade with other civilizations. Here is a link that offers further examination into the possibilities of Vikings trade with the East. Winroth explains that these inland explorers would have used much smaller ships built with similar designs, and would drag and carry the ships around impassable areas such as waterfalls and rapids to reach their destinations.[10] This photo provides a visual as to the likely trading routes for the Vikings and the timeline for when they were established.

Likely Viking trade routes.

The Vinland Sagas which narrate the explorations to North America, Greenland and Iceland can only bring forward the question of navigation and the techniques that were used by the Vikings. Without GPS, maps, or even compasses, the question of how they were able to navigate the seas without getting severely lost is immediately raised. Evidence suggests that during clear days they would have used the sun and stars to keep their course steadily directed towards their destination.[11] Earlier I mentioned about bravery and this is a brilliant example of such courage. The sea is very rough and if the sun and the stars were their only guide, the indeterminate weather systems could severely run a ship off its course and the possibility of never finding land was a real threat. They would have been subjected to several days at a time in large canoe-looking ships – which is unimaginable by pretty much any modern-day traveler, yet speaks volumes about the confidence and reliability of the Viking ships.

One can get a sense of how important these ships were to the Vikings based on the burial traditions of important Viking kings and chieftains, both women and men. Those Vikings had not converted to Christianity and still believed in the Old Norse Gods and the literal transportation to Valhalla. If you were important enough, or wealthy enough, you might have been buried inside the ship along with many expensive possessions. It would be a magnificent sight to see the ships sailing the seas today, yet since such ships are made of wood and since a thousand years have passed, very few of these ships remain intact. In fact the only guarantees of exactly what the ships looked like and what they were made from come from archaeological discoveries along the European costliness and throughout Scandinavia.

The two most well-preserved great burial sites were found in Norway in 1880 and 1904 known as the Gotstad and the Oseburg ships; they have been restored and can be seen above or in the Viking Ship Museum in Oslo, Norway. The Viking ship in Oseburg was the burial site of Chieftain or Queen Aasa and included many of the splendors and luxuries she had in her possession during her reign. “In her honor fifteen horses, four dogs and one ox was sacrificed.” [10]  She also had with her all the equipment for a long journey by land and sea.[11] These included, “lamps, sewing equipment, and all imaginable personal things, such as clothes and linen, kitchen utensils, chests with jewelry, also vegetables and grain.”[12] Iban Fadland recounts his firsthand experience of a magnificent ship burial and also made note of the slave girl who openly joined her master in death and would continue to serve them in the afterlife. This matches up with the remains of a slave girl who was also found in the Oseburg burial site. There have been, “hundreds of people buried in ships…throughout Scandinavia.”[13] All burial sites show different sized vessels – the most revered chieftains were buried with monumental intentions such as the Oseburg and Gotstad sites demonstrate. This symbolic burial method is yet another testament to the significance of ships for the Viking people.

Uncovered ship at burial site in Oseburg.

In sum, the Vikings were simply much more than barbaric raiders; they were sophisticated builders who had complex systems of trade and social structure. They were also great explorers, it was merely a side note that they fought with tremendous bravery and courage. Trading systems imply alliances and affiliation with other civilizations and cultures, and there is more and more concrete evidence each passing decade to support these claims. As I have learned writing this, the typical stereotype of the Viking is very misleading. The connection with the sea and the great ships that sailed them was once of great significance culturally and spiritually. However, it is often the stories of war that history finds most captivating and are passed down in great tales. It is up to modern explorers and historians to continue to further expose the truth of the Viking legend.

 

[1] Sigurdsson “Vinland Sagas,” xiv

[2] Bruun “The Viking Ship,” 1282

[3] Fadlan, “Arab Travellers in the Far North,” 110

[4] Brabrand, “The Viking Port, Trondheim, Norway,” 89

[5] Bruun “The Viking Ship,” 1283

[6] Ibid, 1283

[7] Fadlan, “Arab Travellers in the Far North,” 110

[8] Kuntz, “Vinland Sagas,” 83

[9] Isitt, “Vikings in the Persian Gulf,” 401

[10] Winroth, “Age of the Vikings,” 81

[11]Hegedus, “Could Vikings Have Navagated under Foggy Conditions by skylight Polarization?”

[12] “Viking Ships to Valhalla” 41

[13] Rosenqvist, “The Stabilizing of Wood Found in the Viking Ship of Oseberg: Part 1,” 18

Ancient Greece’s influence on Buddhist mythology

Determining what kind of cultural exchange occurred between civilizations of antiquity is almost impossible. Influence is not usually explicitly admitted in a work of art. An unknown common heritage may provide for unexpected or uncharacteristic consistencies in thought between cultures and first-hand accounts from foreign visitors are usually distorted in some way by cultural bias. The evidence of cultural borrowing presented here is, for the most part, only speculative evidence that points to a possible vein of influence between the East and West that has gone largely unexplored. Along with the more certain subject of Indian and Greek interaction as a result of Alexander the Great’s efforts in India, the more hypothetical possibility of Homeric influence on Buddhism will be discussed.
Trade and expansionist political strategy seem to have been the primary sources of cultural exchange. Alexander’s was well-known for an approach to foreign cultural practices that could be considered tolerant and open-minded, likely as a means of engendering a sense of loyalty in the peoples he conquered. It is also well-known that he had a great love of Greek works like Homer. But less explored are the connections from empire to empire along ever-evolving trade routes that facilitated Indian and Greek interaction before, during, and after Alexander’s time.
One of the most important links between the two areas was the Northern Route, a system of interconnected roads whose extensions provided access to areas along the northeastern to north-western Indian subcontinent to Gandhara- which eventually becomes a center of Greco-Buddhist art- to Bactria. The movement of Buddhist culture from place to place in a process of broad dissemination mostly in the form of stupas, sites in which travellers deposit relics associated with the Buddha where many different kinds of items and inscriptions can be found which show evidence of diverse cross-cultural interactions. [1] The exchange occurring through this network of passages however would have taken place from around Alexander’s time to about 100 C.E. To support the idea that exchange was occurring before Alexander there are documents from the Persian Empire that attest to people coming from the Aegean down to Bactria from as early as the 6^th century B.C.E. [2]
Buddhism is noted as being a particularly mobile religion that could adapt to cultural nuances, and the Buddha taught his philosophy in a vernacular language. It gained a lot of political traction, especially in the Kusana Empire, due to its general accessibility which made it an effective tool for the cultivation of social unity.[3] The Kusana Empire can either be seen as an embodiment of the cultural exchange occurring in the area, or as one of the dominant facilitators of the interchange. Whichever interpretation is assumed, the combination of geographical placement and the contact between the Yuezhi and Greco-Bactrians allowed for a far-reaching connection between India and Greece and a nodal point for the development of a more complete and overtly Greco-Buddhist art form. Although Alexander’s conquests are cited as playing the dominant role in Indian and Greek communication, the mobility and missionary nature of Buddhism in its formative years allowed a widespread appeal that brought it out of the Indian world in a way that Hinduism could not achieve due to its strict, elitist characteristics.
The Indian emperor Ashoka (304-232 B.C.E.) is the perfect example of Buddhism’s early spread into the consciousness of the Greek world. He publicly issued edicts of tolerance between different religious groups advocating free and open-minded discussion, Greek translations of which have been found in Khandahar.[4]
One of Buddhism’s most effective devices for transmitting their teachings and establishing their presence in the world was the previously mentioned stupa, of which many are found alone the previously mentioned trade routes that connected the Indian subcontinent and Central Asia. Georgios Halkias suggests that the Sanskrit word stupa (meaning a knot of hair on top of the head, or crest, tuft, top, summit) is bizarrely similar to the Greek stupos meaning ‘stem, stump, or block’.[5] This could be a strange coincidence, but more likely represents some kind of linguistic influence from one side to the other, or a potential common linguistic heritage between Sanskrit and Greek.
The well-known influence of Buddhism on Greek society is epitomised in the conversion of the Greek king Menander to Buddhism. This is a perfect example of the equal exchange that could be said to have been going on in some unconscious cultural landscape. The Milindapanha (The Questions of King Milinda/Menander) is a Buddhist dialogue between King Menander and a monk named Nagasena written around 100 B.C.E.[6] Much about this text seems to suggest more than a Buddhist influence on the style. The construction in the form of a conversation between two people and other very Greek patterns. Specifically, as pointed out by Georgios Halkias, the repeated interventions of Menander would have been out of place within the typical Buddhist structure.[7]
Another interesting point of intersection and possible Greek influence on Buddhist thought is the Greek approach to consolation. Duncan and Derrett describe “classical” consolation as being defined by an emphasis on moderation in grief and an awareness of the universality of suffering, death, and change.[8] This sentiment can be seen in numerous works of Greek (and Roman) art. Buddha himself is said not to have mourned for two of his disciples, mourning being evidence of a stunted perspective which cannot see beyond the superficiality of the cycle of rebirth. Drawing this connection is most likely a stretch and offers nothing in the way of indicating who influenced who. It is however an interesting consistency between two cultures with completely different systems for conceptualizing death.
Possibly even more speculative than the above cited examples is the idea that Homer and the oral tradition he drew from were a potential source of the Buddha’s miraculous birth. Taking this perspective to its most extreme conclusions, it is possible to postulate- if not a Greek influence on what would become Buddhist tradition- an exchange of cultural information that goes beyond superficial interest or curiosity a few hundred years earlier than is generally assumed.
The widespread appeal of Homer to foreign audiences and its notoriety is attested to in various sources. Dio Chrysostom in his Discourses attests to the fame of Homer, claiming that those who know little about Greek culture still knew the name of Homer and his writing, Aelian even claiming that Indian translations of Homer existed and that Indian kings sang his verses.[9] Irrefutable proof however is not available.
Duncan and Derrett address the assumption that Buddhism loomed over and eclipsed Greek culture in their interactions until the time of Alexander the Great. Any reference to Homer from Indian language sources was interpreted as just superficial curiosity which precluded the possibility of any serious Homeric influence on the artistic style or narrative structure of the developing Buddhist community and India in general, whose works (whether or not collected) were available by the 6^th century B.C.[10] The article also mentions the intrusion of their own culture in Greek traveller’s interpretations of Indian epics which can be found firsthand in Megasthenes’ interpreting of an Indian founding myth as describing Dionysus as the founder.[11] Interestingly, Buddhist art will later come to appropriate Hellenistic depictions of Hercules/Herakles in rendering images of the Buddha due to Alexander the Great’s influence, Hercules being the supposed progenitor of his dynastic line.[12]
Duncan and Derrett cite a few noteworthy examples of the widespread awareness of Homer’s work. It provides us with an excerpt from Plutarch’s De Fortuna Alexandri that asserts Alexander’s responsibility in the spread of Greek ideas to Bactria and Caucasus through Homer and other Greek works like Sophocles.[13]
Another interesting possibility for Homeric influence on Buddhist tradition is found in Hymn 3 to Apollo, certain details of which could have been integrated into the birth story of the Buddha. Both contain references to the mother supporting herself with a tree, the child walking and speaking directly after birth, purity and the production of brilliant light at his birth. The description of the Buddha being born from his mother’s “side” is picked up on and the article attempts to connect this detail with the accounts of births occurring outside of a womb in Greek mythology. The 2^nd century Indian philosopher Asvaghosa refers to various births independent of a womb. The implication made is that the Buddhist narrative integrated this idea of external gestation from Greek mythological accounts. It is important to note that Dionysus, the supposed founder of India and the god most closely associated to Alexander’s favorite hero Herakles, was born in this fashion from Zeus’ leg.[14]
Although clearly not conclusive, this evidence suggests Megasthenes may not have been entirely misinterpreting Indian rituals and founding mythology as a result of cultural prejudice, but sensing or describing a real influence that Greek culture had on Indian (specifically Buddhist) art, religion, and culture in general. There is one mention in the Indica of Indian philosophers who “follow the precepts of the Boutta, whom they honor as a god on account of his extraordinary sanctity.”[15] It is entirely reasonable to perceive a Greek influence on Buddhism in its formative years, even to the extent of the potential shaping of the account of Gautama’s nativity. As stated above, Homer was available to the public by the 6^th century B.C. and the tradition from which he drew obviously going back farther. Gautama’s life is usually placed somewhere between the sixth and fourth centuries B.C. Duncan and Derrett assert the now leading chronology sets the Buddha’s death to sometime just before Alexander went to India and that the “miraculous biography”- the mythologization of the Buddha’s life- had begun to establish itself about 100 years after his death. Using this chronology, it becomes even less of a stretch to suspect potential Homeric influences on the Buddhist narrative.
Despite the inconclusive nature of most of the evidence above, it is apparent that there has been more substantial and meaningful exchange between the Greeks and Buddhists. Whether the strange consistency between these two so distinct cultures indicates an unrealized common heritage or a more complex relationship of exchange (that could possibly extend back to the 6^th or 7^th B.C.E.), the obvious connection between Greek, Buddhist, and Indian thought in general can be seen in the writings of explorers like Megasthenes and Clearchus of Soli to Alexander’s advocacy of Homer and Attic tragedy. These pieces of evidence along with the Greek translation of Ashoka’s edicts reveal an interesting and nuanced relationship that is only recently really being elaborated upon.
 

 

 

 

 

 

[1] Neelis, Jason. “Localizing the Buddha’s Presence at Wayside Shrines in Northern Pakistan.” Religions and Trade: Religious Formation, Transformation, and Cross-cultural Exchange between East and West 5 (2014): 45-64.

 

[2] Halkias, Georgios. “When the Greeks Converted the Buddha:Asymmetrical Transfers of Knowledge in Indo-Greeek Cultures.” Religions and Trade:Relgious Formation, Transformation, and Cross-cultural Exchange Between East and West 5 (2014): 66.

 

[3] Lam, Raymond. “Kusana Emperors and Indian Buddhism:Political and Economic and Cultural Factors Responsible for the Spread of Buddhism through Eurasia.” South Asia:Journal of South Asian Studies, 2013, 38.

[4] Halkias, Georgios. “When the Greeks Converted the Buddha:Asymmetrical Transfers of Knowledge in Indo-Greeek Cultures.” Religions and Trade:Relgious Formation, Transformation, and Cross-cultural Exchange Between East and West 5 (2014): 84.

 

[5] Ibid 93.

 

[6] Davids, T. W. Rhys. The Questions of King Milinda.Oxford.

[7] Halkias, Georgios. “When the Greeks Converted the Buddha:Asymmetrical Transfers of Knowledge in Indo-Greeek Cultures.” Religions and Trade:Relgious Formation, Transformation, and Cross-cultural Exchange Between East and West 5 (2014): 92.

 

[8] Duncan, J., and M. Derrett. “”Consolation and a Parable:Two Contacts between Ancient Greece and Buddhists.”” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 65 (2002): 521.

 

[9] Duncan, J., and M. Derrett. “Homer in India: The Birth of the Buddha.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society JRAS, 1992, 49.

 

[10] Ibid, 51.

 

[11] Megasthenes. Indica, 3.

 

[12] Halkias, Georgios. “When the Greeks Converted the Buddha:Asymmetrical Transfers of Knowledge in Indo-Greeek Cultures.” Religions and Trade:Relgious Formation, Transformation, and Cross-cultural Exchange Between East and West 5 (2014): 100.

 

[13] Duncan, J., and M. Derrett. “Homer in India: The Birth of the Buddha.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society JRAS, 1992, 49.

 

[14] Duncan, J., and M. Derrett. “Homer in India: The Birth of the Buddha.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society JRAS, 1992, 53-54.

 

[15] Megasthenes. Indica, 33

Marco Polo’s Adventures: Travel, Trade, and the Mongol Empire

Although the details of the true adventures of Marco Polo remain unclear, the epic stories of his travels brought context to Europeans who knew nothing about Asia.  Polo’s dealings with the Great Kublai Khan and the exotic lands he travelled would have been appealing and entertaining to his audience in Europe.  The text that would inspire later explorers such as Christopher Columbus must be taken with a grain of salt, as it contains several examples of mythical stories and folklore.  It remains unclear whether Marco Polo actually made it to China, or if he was merely speculating on stories he had heard from the wide range of religious and ethnic people he had encountered.  Although different versions of Polo’s travels contain different minor anecdotes and descriptions, there could be some truth to the overall essence of the story.  The Travels of Marco Polo (also known as Il Milione) should not be easily dismissed as false, but rather looked at from a historiographical perspective.

  Marco Polo was likely born in 1254, in the Italian city of Venice.  He was born to a family of merchants, and was brought on  adventures by his father Niccolo and uncle Maffeo.[1]  The Polo family had long traded with the Middle East, holding a large fortune.  Italian cities in this period were hubs for art and commerce, and Venice was an important republican merchant center.[2]  Niccolo and Maffeo were travelers, trading along the Silk Road and at various cities in Arabic lands, as well as the Mongol Empire.  They owned property in Constantinople, which they sold for jewels just before the overthrow of its rulers.[3]  The pair travelled to the western Mongol empire, and eventually reached modern day Uzbekistan, perhaps staying at Kublai Khan’s summer residence, circa 1265.[4]  After having befriended Kublai Khan, the Polo’s traveled back to Italy as ambassadors, bringing gifts and letters to the Pope on behalf of the Khan.  By the time Niccolo and Maffeo reached Venice, Marco Polo was aged 15 or 16, and had never met his father.  Marco’s mother had died while Niccolo and Maffeo were away, as did Pope Clemency IV.[5]

     After two years of waiting for the election of a new pope, Marco along with his father and uncle departed for the Mongol court.  This marked the beginning of Marco Polo’s adventures.  The trio traveled to modern day ‘Akko, Israel, where they were met by a representative for the Pope.  After a few short days of traveling, the Polo’s were informed that a new Pope had finally been elected; it was their friend Teobaldo, who took the name Gregory X.[6]  

  After returning to ‘Akko and collecting a series of documents and two friars, the entourage headed for the city of Ayas, Turkey.[7]  The two friars had abandoned the group shortly after their departure, but the Polo’s still reached the busy merchant city.  Marco Polo describes the trade hub in his book “The Travels of Marco Polo”, asserting that “you must know that all the spices and cloths from the interior are brought to this town, and all other goods of high value; and Merchants of Venice and Genoa and everywhere else come here to buy them”.[8]  The Polo’s made their way through Turkey, the barren lands in eastern Iran, and eventually landed in the city of Badakhshan, Afghanistan.[9]  Polo enjoyed this land, and likely spent some time in the area.  According to Polo, it was abundant in wild sheep, game, and fish, as well as good wheat.  He describes massive mountains, where “the air is so pure and so salubrious” it can cure all sorts of sicknesses.[10]  By his book, it is also apparent that Polo visited neighbouring cities to the south during this time, namely Pashai and Kashmir. 

   Eventually, the group reached the Uygur Autonomous Region of Xingjiang, China.  This was on the main Silk Road, populated with people from all sorts of religious backgrounds, merchants, missionaries, and adventurers.[11]  The Venetian travellers reached the Mongol capital of Shangdu around 1275, where they delivered the papal letters and a sacred oil from Jerusalem to Kublai Khan.  The Polo’s spent the next 17-20 years serving in the Mongol courts, as Kublai employed a large body of foreigners due to a distrust in Chinese subjects.[12]  Marco Polo developed a personal relationship with the Great Khan, and was sent on a number of journeys to satisfy Kublai’s curiosities about people and places around the empire.  He also held administrative duties, such as customs and tax inspection for imports to the empire.[13]  It is evident in Polo’s text that he liked and respected Kublai Khan.  Polo glorified Kublai, writing that “he is indeed the greatest lord the world has ever known”.[14]  Kublai seemed to be a larger-than-life figure, having 47 sons with 4 wives and countless mistresses, as well as a large collection of exotic animals including leopards and lions (according to Polo).

   By the 1290’s it was time for the Polo’s to return home, and a perfect opportunity arose when a Mongol princess was to be escorted to Persia so she could marry Arghun Khan.  After a long expedition (largely at sea), and being robbed of their wealth in Christian Turkey, the Polo’s finally reached home in 1295.[15]  Shortly after Marco’s return, he was actually captured by the Genoese after a sea battle against Venice over the Mediterranean.  In prison, he met a professional romantic writer from Pisa named Rustichello.[16]  It was this period in which Polo wrote of his adventures, under the influence of Rustichello.  Although Rustichello expressed that Polo “told only what little he could remember”, Polo’s book was a huge hit in Europe.[17]

  Polo was freed shortly after writing the account, and lived the rest of his life in Venice, where he died at the age of 70.

  Map Depicting Marco Polo’s Travels

  Polo’s account must be examined for what it is, which is a piece of didactic literature, tailored to people who had no idea what life in Asia was like.  Rustichello was a huge influence on the account, perhaps explaining why it seems romanticized.[19]  There are numerous examples of folklore and religious stories in his works.  At one point, Polo describes a valley of diamonds, where men venture to obtain diamonds in very interesting ways.  The valley is supposedly surrounded by mountains, where a multitude of rattlesnakes reside.  Men obtained the diamonds by taking “many lumps of flesh imbrued in blood and fling[ing] them down into the depths of the valley. And the lumps thus flung down pick up great numbers of diamonds, which become embedded in the flesh”.[20] The flesh Polo describes is that of the rattlesnakes.  Apparently men also find diamonds in eagle droppings, as eagles eat the flung rattlesnake flesh, which has picked up the diamonds.  Polo goes on to say that “in all the world diamonds are found nowhere else except in this kingdom alone”.[21] The statement made in the latter quotation is clearly misinformed, and it is difficult to imagine how these bizarre methods could actually produce diamonds.  Polo also mentioned that these diamonds are exported to the Great Khan and rulers of the Mongol empire.  It is known that a great number of luxurious goods were imported to Asia in this period, including pearls, spices, and diamonds.[22]

  Another odd story Marco Polo describes is one of unicorns and men with tails in the Kingdom of Lambri (modern day Sumatra, Indonesia).  Polo tells his audience, “I give you my word that in this kingdom there are men who have tails fully a palm in length. They are not at all hairy. This is true of most of the men – that is, of those who live outside in the mountains, not of those in the city”.[23]  Polo can’t be describing ponytails, as he states they are not hairy.  Polo also describes men with the faces, eyes and teeth of dogs.[24]  This is likely a tall tale, among many others.  Some of Polo’s stories were also written in second hand, as one story from a bishop regarding a shoe maker contends.  Apparently there was a Christian shoe maker who was free from sin, and his prayers were so powerful he was able to move mountains.  According to the story in Polo’s account, a group of Christians had gathered at the foot of a mountain, and asked the shoe maker to move it with his prayers.  A large group of Muslims arrived at the scene, intending to kill the Christians because they did not believe the mountain could be moved.  The shoe maker prayed, and “he had barely ceased speaking when the mountain began to crumble and move”.[25]  As a result the muslims ran away.  This is clearly a story that the bishop fabricated to inspire common Christians.  If the shoe maker could be clear of sin, perhaps other common Christians could be too, and harness the power of God. 

  Marco Polo’s reliability has been called into question by a number of historians.  Some even question if he in fact made it to China.  Polo fails to mention the Great Wall of China, tea, or foot binding (the practice of putting painfully tight shoes on girls to prevent growth).  He also makes the Mongol steppe seem hospitable and nice to live in, contrary to the ruggedness that was associated with the area.[26]  These factors could mean that Marco Polo never actually saw China, or perhaps he did and remembered it in a positive light.  Regardless, Marco Polo’s text inspired later adventurers to explore the expanding western horizons.  Christopher Columbus was undoubtably attracted to the riches Polo described, as he brought a copy of “Il Milione” when he sailed the Atlantic in 1492.[27]  Polo described an incredible palace belonging to the ruler of Japan, that was completely covered in fine gold.[28]  It is fairly certain that Marco Polo never went to Japan, but would have captured the attention of travelers seeking wealth in Asia.  Although Polo’s account is full of ambiguity, we can definitely see some historical fact in his travels.  Through Marco Polo’s adventures, we can see the sort of history/folklore mix that was common in this time period; what was real and what was not real is still up to interpretation.

Footnotes:

[1] Burgan, Michael “Marco Polo: Marco Polo and the Silk Road to China” (2002) Compass Point Books, Minneapolis, Minnesota pg. 10                                                                                                                                                     [2] Maraini, Fosco “Marco Polo” (2014) http://www.britannica.com/biography/Marco-Polo                                             [3] Ibid.                                                                                                                                                                                                 [4] Ibid.                                                                                                                                                                                                 [5] Burgan, Michael “Marco Polo: Marco Polo and the Silk Road to China” (2002) Compass Point Books, Minneapolis, Minnesota pg. 8                                                                                                                                                       [6] Mariani, Fosco “Marco Polo” (2014) http://www.britannica.com/biography/Marco-Polo                                             [7] Ibid.                                                                                                                                                                                                 [8] Polo, Marco “The Travels of Marco Polo”, (1958) Penguin Books, Translated by Ronald Latham, pg. 55     [9] Mariani, Fosco “Marco Polo” (2014) http://www.britannica.com/biography/Marco-Polo                                             [10] Polo, Marco “The Travels of Marco Polo”, (1958) Penguin Books, Translated by Ronald Latham, pg. 96   [11] Beach, Milo C. “The Ear Commands the Story: Exploration and Imagination on the Silk Road” (2007) Art Institute of Chicago pg. 10                                                                                                                                                       [12] Mariani, Fosco “Marco Polo” (2014) http://www.britannica.com/biography/Marco-Polo                                           [13] Ibid.                                                                                                                                                                                               [14] Polo, Marco “The Travels of Marco Polo”, (1958) Penguin Books, Translated by Ronald Latham, pg. 141   [15] Mariani, Fosco “Marco Polo” (2014) http://www.britannica.com/biography/Marco-Polo                                           [16] Ibid.                                                                                                                                                                                               [17] Burgan, Michael “Marco Polo: Marco Polo and the Silk Road to China” (2002) Compass Point Books, Minneapolis, Minnesota                                                                                                                                                                   [18] “Marco Polo’s Route” https://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/maps/marcopolo.html                                     [19] Jackson, Peter “Marco Polo and His Travels” (1998) Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Vol 61, No 1. Cambridge University Press pg. 87                                                           [20] Polo, Marco “The Travels of Marco Polo”, (1958) Penguin Books, Translated by Robert Latham, pg. 273 [21] Ibid.                                                                                                                                                                                               [22] Polo, Marco “The Travels of Marco Polo”, (1845) Harper & Brothers, Translated by Hugh Murray, pg. 89 [23] Polo, Marco “The Travels of Marco Polo” (1958) Penguin Books, Translated by Robert Latham, pg 326   [24] Edwards, Mike “Wonders and Whoppers” (2008) Smithsonian Magazine http://www.smithsonianmag.com   [25] Polo, Marco “The Travels of Marco Polo” (1958) Penguin Books, Translated by Robert Latham, pg. 68     [26] Jackson, Peter “Marco Polo and His Travels” (1998) Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol 61, No 1. Cambridge University Press pg. 82-83                                                   [27] Burgan, Michael “Marco Polo: Marco Polo and the Silk Road to China” (2002) Compass Point Books, Minneapolis, Minnesota                                                                                                                                                                   [28] Edwards, Mike “Wonders and Whoppers” (2008) Smithsonian Magazine http://www.smithsonianmag.com

Bibliography:

• Burgan, Michael “Marco Polo: Marco Polo and the Silk Road to China” (2002) Compass Point Books, Minneapolis, Minnesota
• Maraini, Fosco “Marco Polo” (2014) http://www.britannica.com/biography/Marco-Polo
• Polo, Marco “The Travels of Marco Polo”, (1958) Penguin Books, Translated by Ronald Latham, pg. 55
• Beach, Milo C. “The Ear Commands the Story: Exploration and Imagination on the Silk Road” (2007) Art Institute of Chicago
• Jackson, Peter “Marco Polo and His Travels” (1998) Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Vol 61, No 1. Cambridge University Press
• Polo, Marco “The Travels of Marco Polo”, (1845) Harper & Brothers, Translated by Hugh Murray
• Edwards, Mike “Wonders and Whoppers” (2008) Smithsonian Magazine http://www.smithsonianmag.com
• (Photo) University of Washington “Marco Polo’s Route” https://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/maps/marcopolo.html

Rubruck’s Ruckus: A Monk’s Meeting With The Great Khan

William of Rubruck was a funny man. But as a Flemish monk sent toward the Mongolian Empire by Louis IX in the year 1253, Rubruck stepped into a violent unknown – hardly comedy. He wrote a lengthy account containing his observations of Mongolian (what he often calls “Tartar”) culture and his travels from one major Mongolian leader to the next, ending with a face-to-face meeting with the Great Khan Mongke (Mangu). Still, Rubruck catalogued his adventure with learned, witty, and highly detailed language. However, motivations behind his departure are less precise, with some historians claiming the journey to be diplomatic, strategic, or religious. Yet, I argue that Rubruck’s account reveals much about his own personal motivations. Further, I would argue that his relationship with his bumbling translator indicates both Rubruck’s motivations and his dedication to accuracy; indicating the degree to which his text can be considered “trustworthy”. It should be noted: I will be working primarily with accounts from William of Rubruck and John of Plano Carpini – another Franciscan explorer – compiled in Christopher Dawson’s book Mission to Asia. [1]

King Louis IX had many reasons to look east: he was in the middle of a massively unsuccessful Crusade. Historian James M. Powell provides us with a brief summation of Louis’ exploits: “Defeated and forced to retreat, the army had to surrender. Louis and many of his nobles were either killed or captured. The result was one of the worst debacles in the history of the crusades.”[2] Powell, of course, alludes to Louis’ imprisonment in Egypt and the subsequent massive ransom paid for his release.[3] Scrambling for other strategic advantages, Louis had to find help. According to historian Kathryn A. Montalbano, King Louis IX “wanted to convert the Mongols to Christianity and ally with them against the Saracens (a term used for Muslims in the late Middle Ages.)”[4] We can then understand Louis’ conversion efforts as entirely political, having little to do with the “spiritual wellbeing” of the “unbeliever”. Louis needed military help, not “more sheep to the fold.”

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Louis IX on Crusade… He’s been better.

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The military abilities of the Mongolian Empire had been of interest to Christendom before. In 1245, Pope Innocent IV sent John of Plano Carpini “to lead the expedition to the Mongols and deliver a letter to Güyük Khan (spelled “Chan” in the medieval period), imploring him to not attack Christians and to accept Christianity.”[5] Rather than looking for help from the Mongolians, the Pope was primarily interested in stopping their seemingly inevitable invasion – what Dawson calls “avert(ing) the threatened danger.”[6] Innocent IV’s message to the Mongols is explicitly political and strategic. While Louis looks to ally himself with the Mongolian Empire through conversion, the Pope looks to halt fighting altogether. Christianity becomes a “bonus” of sorts, mentioned after “do not attack Christians.” John of Plano Carpini as well seemed largely concerned with understanding the Mongols in a military context. In fact, he names an entire chapter of his account “How to Wage War Against the Tartars; The Intentions of the Tartars; Arms and Army Organizations, How to Meet Their Cunning in Battle, The Fortification of Camps and Cities, and What Should Be Done With Tartar Prisoners”[7] Any doubt that Plano Carpini was concerned with the military prowess of the Mongolian Empire would be effectively removed by this title. Further, his language seems largely speculative: “how to wage war”, “how to meet their cunning”, “what should be done”. The chapter presents his military findings with urgency as he notes “It is the intention of the Tartars to bring the whole world into subjection if they can… on this point they have received a command from Chingis Chan.”[8] Urgency reaches a peak with his warning: “Since there is no country on earth which they fear with the exception of Christendom, they are preparing to make war on us.”[9] Plano Carpini’s language becomes somewhat propagandist: a Mongol force prepares for “us”.

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John of Plano Carpini’s Message: Be Very Afraid!

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While John of Plano Carpini’s account seems to echo the concerns of Pope Innocent IV, William of Rubruck seems to be unaware of Louis IX’s political goals – consciously or otherwise. Historian Livarious Oliger adds, the character of Rubruck’s mission is at best “not quite clear.”[10]  He continues to say that Rubruck “protested at every critical moment that he was not an ambassador of the King of France.” Yet, Rubruck acknowledges his account as partially surveillance in his introductory message to King Louis: “You told me when I took my leave of you that I was to write to you of everything I should see among the Tartars.”[11] It would be relatively easy to assume that Rubruck simply lied to Mongolian rulers to hide his surveying mission. However, Rubruck believed his goal was still primarily religious, the most obvious reason being the major difference between his text and John of Plano Carpini’s: the lack of military detail. Plano Carpini made great effort to include his meditations on Mongolian war tactics while Rubruck seems to ignore them entirely, choosing instead to focus on cultural differences and the ways in which religions interact within the Empire. Rubruck even defends Mongolian attitudes at times, painting them as entitled and demanding but not entirely aggressive: “It is true they take nothing away by force but they ask in a most ill-mannered and impudent fashion for whatever they see.”[12] Rather than an unpredictable, spastic, and war-like people, Rubruck seems willing to even understand Mongols as primarily peaceful – however temporary.

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Rubruck considered Mongolian military prowess rather uninteresting.

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Arriving before the Mongol prince Sartach, whom he believed to be Christian [13], Rubruck presented him with a letter from Louis IV in which “permission is asked for Fr. William to stay in the dominions of Sartach, to preach the Gospel, and to help the dispersed Christians.”[14] But the Mongol leader seems to understand the implications of Louis’ intentions immediately. William of Rubruck hears from Sartach’s messenger: “the Lord King has written fair words to my master, but they contain certain difficult matters about which he dare not do anything without the advice of his father.”[15] Mongolian stations contained many different religions. But Christian missionaries from Louis IX clearly provide anxiety for Sartach? While he catches the political move, Rubruck seems to downplay military motivations to the point of ignoring them completely, perhaps most evident in Rubruck’s last meeting with the Great Khan Mangu. Rubruck’s last words are a request: “I have permission from them to go wherever I will, where there is need to preach the word of god; and it seems to me that it is most necessary in these parts, therefore whether he send back an envoy to you or not, given your permission I would return.” [16] This dialogue provides the clearest indication of his intentions, of which he separates as his own religious quest. Again, once Rubruck receives a letter from Mangu Khan intended for Louis IX, he openly demands: “’Do not call us by the name of envoys, for I have told the Chan clearly that we are not’… I told them to remove the title of envoy and to call us monks or priests.”[17] Dawson interprets Rubruck’s demands as an indication of a mission “purely religious in character.” [18] Another historian, James D. Ryan writes that Rubruck “was primarily moved by desires to preach salvation.”[19] Rubruck asserts his status as “monk or priest” because he must truly believe it is his true title, his true responsibility. In turn, we can then assume that the absence of military matters in Rubruck’s text derives from the mission he believes to be undertaking: a purely religious one.

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“To preach the word of God” was Rubruck’s utmost priority.

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Rubruck’s adamant dedication to his religious missionary work also provides the text with the bulk of its humour, occurring primarily in two scenarios: his moments of disgust with religions or practices throughout Mongolian culture and interactions with his often ineffective translator, Abdullah. During the first few chapters, Rubruck writes of how he was appalled by the way in which Mongols “seized with the desire of relieving nature… did not go away from us… indeed they performed their filthiness by the side of us, chatting to each other.”[20] Perhaps the funniest moment in the entire text comes when Rubruck explores various temples between the courts of Baatu and Mangu Khan. He discovers what seems to be a Buddhist temple and notes: “As long as they are in the temple they keep their heads uncovered, and they read to themselves and keep silence.”[21] Apparently unhappy with their practices, Rubruck writes: “When I went into one of their temples in Caracorum and found them sitting like this, I tried in many ways to provoke them to speech and was in no way able to do so.”[22] One can only imagine the “many ways” Rubruck tried to break their concentration.

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Artist’s depiction of Rubruck and a Buddhist monk – according to some scholars.

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While the humorous conflicts with Mongol culture are sporadic and spread throughout the journal, Rubruck’s difficult relationship with his translator remains constant. Here we see perhaps the most comedic and certainly the most important moments of the text. Rubruck’s disgust with his translator often stems from Abdullah’s frequent drunkenness: “To our misfortune our interpreter was standing near the cup-bearers, who gave him a great deal to drink and he got drunk immediately.”[23] Often, simply his inabilities are to blame: “My interpreter would say: ‘ Don’t make me preach for I don’t know how to say such words.’”[24] Scholar Blake K. Puckett claims that ineffective translation undermines the accuracy of “historical travel literature on Central Asia.”[25] Further, he claims that these accounts “make short shrift of the language difficulties… glossing over the possibility of failed translations even as the conversation becomes ever more elaborate.”[26] While I understand and accept Puckett’s concerns, Rubruck’s text seems to actually avoid this fallacy. Rubruck instead establishes himself as entirely dedicated to accuracy, in that, faced with moments of insufficient translation, he becomes silent: “My interpreter, tired and unable to express the words, forced me to silence”[27], “Then I, seeing my interpreter’s incapacity, kept quiet”[28], “Seeing the danger of speaking through him, I chose rather to keep silence.”[29] During each moment, Rubruck’s silence prioritizes accuracy – silence before falsehood.

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Manuscript depiction of Rubruck glancing at his interpreter.

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One may argue that Rubruck’s silence assures his safety, that it is purely practical in the moment. This would seem true for the third example, but here, Rubruck’s “danger” occurs during an attempted roadside conversion. He fears that his message may be misinterpreted (the undoing of his work through creating the “wrong” kind of Christian.) [30] Anxiety towards creating the “right” Christian remain common throughout the text as scholar Adam Knobler notes that Rubruck frequently “voiced his displeasure with the quality of Christians—Nestorians mostly—whom he found in Mongol and Uighur lands”[31] We can then assume two things: Rubruck’s silence portrays his commitment to accuracy and his belief that Nestorians are not the correct quality of Christian does the same. Rubruck identifies even the small details of Nestorian faith that may differ from Catholicism Rubruck immeditately, deeply bothered. Further, in moments where Rubruck hears of lands or cultures but does not see them, he quickly identifies the potential innacuracies: “They also told me for a truth, athough I do not believe it, that beyond Cathay is a country and whatever age a man be when he enters that country he remains that age”[32] Rubruck had a remarkable eye and appreciation for detail and fact, which translates clearly here as he clearly distinguishes what he sees for himself from what he hears from others.

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Obviously, the accuracy of a historical travel account leans heavily on the author and their motivations. It would seem that Rubruck’s text provides a relatively unique experience for modern historians. Here, we have an author clearly invested in maintaining the accuracy of his text. Recording only experiences and observations is understandably standard amongst other travel accounts like John of Plano Carpini. Rubruck’s frequent turns to silence in the face of inaccuracies and his dedcation to missionary work provide us with an – often introspective – account of Mongolian culture, that, if inaccurate, would likely have been silent.

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[1] Christopher Dawson, Mission to Asia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 1-237

[2] James M. Powell, “Church and Crusade: Frederick II and Louis IX” The Catholic Historical Review 93, No. 2 (2007): 260

[3] Jennifer R. Davis, “The Problem of King Louis IX of France: Biography, Sanctity, and Kingship” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 41, No. 2 (2010): 211.

[4] Kathryn A. Montalbano “Misunderstanding the Mongols: Intercultural Communication in Three Thirteenth-Century Franciscan Travel Accounts”, Information & Culture: A Journal of History 50, No. 4 (2015): 597.

[5] Ibid, 594.

[6] Dawson, Mission to Asia, 15.

[7] Ibid, 43.

[8] Ibid, 43.

[9] Ibid, 44.

[10] Livarius Oliger, “Franciscan Pioneers Amongst the Tartars”. The Catholic Historical Review 16, No.3 (1930): 260.

[11] Dawson, Mission to Asia, 89.

[12] Ibid, 107.

[13] Oliger, “Franciscan Pioneers,” 260.

[14] Ibid, 260.

[15] Dawson, Mission to Asia, 119

[16] Ibid, 196.

[17] Ibid, 205.

[18] Ibid, 21.

[19] James D. Ryan, “Christian Wives of Mongol Khans: Tartar Queens and Missionary Expectations in Asia”. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 8, No.3 (1998): 412.

[20] Dawson, Mission to Asia, 113.

[21] Ibid, 139.

[22] Ibid, 139.

[23] Ibid, 154.

[24] Ibid, 154.

[25] Blake K. Puckett, Puckett,““We’re Very Apolitical”: Examining the Role of the International Legal Assistance Expert”. Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 16, No.1 (2009): 306.

[26] Ibid, 307.

[27] Dawson, Mission to Asia, 141.

[28] Ibid, 155.

[29] Ibid, 114.

[30] Ibid, 119.

[31] Adam Knobler, “Pseudo-conversions and Patchwork Pedigrees: The Christianization of Muslim Princes and the Diplomacy of Holy War”. Journal of World History 7, No. 2 (1996): 184

[32] Dawson, Mission to Asia, 171.

The Book of Curiosities

To most, a map is usually seen as an unbiased representation of “reality,” however, in the following post, I will argue that nothing could be further from the truth.  Mapping the world often tends to be a fairly ethnocentric undertaking.  This will be achieved by taking a detailed look at the contents of the Book of Curiosities and briefly commenting the similarities in thinking that were shaping world views when the foundations of much of our current cartography were being put in place.

During the 7th century, Arabic written language had developed in such a manner that it became both possible and desirable to translate knowledge in such areas as science and philosophy into the new official language.  Caliph al-Ma’mūn (786-833) began doing just that when he tasked a board of Syrian men with the duty of purchasing Greek manuscripts from Byzantium and bringing them back to Baghdad to be translated.(1) One outcome of this was that medieval Islamic cartography that came into being was a unique product of merging cultures.

On June 2, 2002 the Bodleian Library in Oxford obtained a previously unknown Islamic manuscript, the Book of Curiosities. The fact that this manuscript was completely intact was especially exciting insofar as almost all Islamic maps produced in this era were part of larger manuscripts. While individual graphical representation is important, there is usually an intimate relationship between the maps and texts in which they are found and both must be present to be understood to the fullest degree.(2) This post will focus on the extent to which earlier writings of Greek scholars influenced medieval Islamic understanding of the world, how that understanding is reflected in this manuscript and will be followed by a brief comparison to the foundations of modern western map making.

Unfortunately, the Book of Curiosities that resides in the Bodleian library is not the original manuscript, but rather is a copy of one that has been lost. It is broken into two books, the first being on the heavenly bodies, and the second on the earth.  Overall, it contains 96 pages with 17 of them being maps of the known world, cities, or other cartographic designs such as lunar mansion maps. While the text’s author is unknown, the original manuscript has been dated between the years 1020-1050 AD based on 4 key details contained in its pages:

1. Sicily is under Muslim rule, meaning it must be before the Norman invasion in 1070
2. The author mentions six large buildings being constructed in Tinnīs for merchants in 1014-1015
3. al-Hākim bi-Amr Allāh (996-1021) the Fāṭmid ruler of Egypt and Syria is said to no longer be reigning
4. The Banū Qurrah are still inhabiting the lands near Alexandria. They were banished from the region in 1051-1052.(3)

The copy that exists in the Bodleian Library was made slightly later and has been dated in the late 12th to early 13th century.(4) One of the most interesting components of the manuscript is its rectangular map of the world, as it is the only known rectangular world map to survive from antiquity or the medieval world.(5)

Photo Credit: http://cosmos.bodley.ox.ac.uk

Book one of the manuscript, on the Heavens, is quite complex. It weaves together a multitude of concepts such as astrology, astronomy, wind patterns, and mysticism, however, it is clear to see the heavy Greek influence, especially that of Ptolemy. Due to the recent translation of many Greek manuscripts, as Emilie Savage Smith points out, there is little doubt “political and economic changes within an area, as well as aesthetic fashion, had substantial effects on celestial mapping.”(6) The ideas found in book one, are in many ways identical to the ideas found in Ptolemy’s The Almagest, especially those outlined in his geocentric model of the universe.

Ptolemy’s geocentric model of the universe places Earth in the middle of the Heavens as the central sphere with all planets and other celestial bodies rotating around it from east to west, at the same speed, and with revolutions in circles parallel to each other.(7) As we know today, the planets do not rotate around the earth and they move in oblong rotations, not perfect circles. To account for this so that his theory would not be rendered false, Ptolemy explained that motion of the planets moved in two ways. The first was mentioned above, and a second type of motion that would account for oblong rotations. Alexander Raymond Jones, a professor at the University of Toronto, provides a good explanation of this: “Each planet revolves uniformly along a circular path (epicycle), the centre of which revolves around the Earth along a larger circular path (deferent). Because one half of an epicycle runs counter to the general motion of the deferent path, the combined motion will sometimes appear to slow down or even reverse direction (retrograde). By carefully coordinating these two cycles, the epicyclic model explained the observed phenomenon of planets retrograding when at perigee. Ptolemy enhanced the effect of eccentricity by making the epicycle’s centre sweep out equal angles along the deferent in equal times as seen from a point that he called the equant.”(8) To see a visual representation of how this motion works watch the following video:

Geocentric Motion Video

Finally, it is important to note that in Ptolemy’s geocentric model all stars are fixed to the outer encompassing sphere and they maintain the same position relative to each other.(9)

The unknown author of the Book of Curiosities shows how Ptolemy’s geocentric model of the universe was adopted into Muslim belief of the universe when he explains how Earth is like a midpoint of a circle surrounded by revolving spheres.(10) He outlines 8 revolving spheres, 7 of which are the planets, sun and moon, and the last one which is the sphere of the stars. Like Ptolemy’s account, the stars are described as unmoving in relation to each other “fixed on the sphere, static like nails wedged to a wheel.”(11) What is truly illuminating regarding the similarities between Ptolemy’s work and this one, is the author’s description of the two types of planetary movement. To align with Ptolemy’s first motion, the author describes the largest sphere rotating from east to west around two opposite poles.(12) He accounts for the second motion in much the same terms as Ptolemy, “The largest circle in it is the belt of the zodiac [the ecliptic], then the ‘circle of latitude from which one begins the numbering of the largest circle [the ecliptic], and then the celestial equator These [result in] the sphere having two moving points, … known as the ‘circle of obliquity’ [equinoctial colure] intersecting the belt of the largest sphere [the ecliptic] at two opposite points, one of them called the autumnal equinox and the other the vernal equinox. As for establishing the nature of its eccentricity, its increase, its decrease, its forward motion, and its backward motion: If one were to produce a line from the centre of the Earth, touching the edge of the circle of obliquity [equinoctial colure] from the direction of the east, it would be eight degrees to the north of the vernal equinox. While if one were to draw another line in the direction westward towards the edge of the circle of the obliquity, the line would be eight degrees behind the vernal equinox.”(13)

Another good example of the Ptolemaic influence on Islamic understanding of the universe is how the author begins his explanation of the geocentric model by stating that “People are in complete agreement that…”(14) It seems that in the short period of time since their translation, Ptolemy’s works had been widely accepted as truth enough so, that they continued to be copied as “truth” in this reproduction of the original manuscript at least a hundred years later. Manuscripts were not cheap to create, especially ones of this extent, and they were mostly created by and for the literate cosmopolitan elites who would be able to read and use them.(15) It is possible the author used this aggressive language to make his work sound more believable, however the extreme detail the author used in outlining Ptolemy’s theory suggests that a great deal of time was spent studying it, meaning it was most likely being taught as truth at the time of production and reproduction.

As was the case with the first book in the Book of Curiosities, book 2–which deals with Earth–is quite complex and contains an abundance of information on such things as climate zones, cities, seas, and curious inhabitants. The area that shows the most Greek influence is found in the climatic zones of the circular world map and the descriptions of the people who inhabit these areas in the supporting text. Just as Ptolemy explained that only the northern hemisphere was inhabitable, so too, it appears, this was believed by this author as nothing is mapped south of the equator. Furthermore Ptolemy, divided the earth into 7 zones dependant on the length of daylight creating a more advanced version of climatic zones than Aristotle had come up with previously.(16) Again, the Greek influence is apparent in this manuscript as the author divides the circular world map into 7 different climatic zones.

Photo Credit: http://cosmos.bodley.ox.ac.uk

In the supporting text, the author describes the people residing in the 7 different climate zones in detail. To him, the people who reside in the peripheral zones (1 and 7) are the most abhorred with many disturbing physical and behavioural traits. Each zone moving towards the middle gets slightly better than the one before, until finally one reaches the center zone (zone 4) which is favoured most of all. (Description of inhabitants per zone) Some scholars speculate, and I agree, that a large portion of the stereotypes attached to the different people in the different zones was rooted in their understanding of humoral pathology, medical theory which was outlined first by Hippocrates in the mid 5th century BC and then refined later by Galen ~216 AD, both Greek physicians. Galen’s system “linked the four humours (blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile) to the four primary qualities (wet or dry, and cold or warm), the four elements (fire, water, earth, air), and the four major organs.”(24)

Photo Credit: https://chocolateclass.wordpress.com/tag/medicine/

The theory held that embryo growth in a body was the result of “cooking” together of the humours and those who lived in the more temperate climes tended to be more harmonious and balanced.(25) As one moves further away from the most temperate zone 4th zone more towards the peripherals, the humours became more unbalanced due to the more extreme weather conditions.(26) If any of the eight combinations of the four humours were unbalanced and one was cooked predominantly in a person, then the body would reflect this and “unbalanced” physiological and psychological aspects of the predominant temperament would occur.(27) Because of this the lands with Arabic speaking peoples were found in the 4th zone, as well as places that would influence their knowledge such as Greece, and typically they would try to keep Baghdad or Baṣra in the center of the 4th zone.

The author of this manuscript outlines how inhabitants of each region correspond with the nature of the region and describes situations such as what would be found in the extreme south, that the inhabitants would be phlegmatic, making their stomachs decayed and corrupted, their bodies weak, flaccid and infirm, and make them inclined to anxiety, inactivity, and cowardice.(28) Similar references to this connection between climatic zones and humoral theory are also found in texts from later scholars such as Ibn Khaldūn (1332-1406) an Arab Muslim historiographer and historian when he claimed “The inhabitants of the middle zones [3rd-5th climes] are temperate in their physique and character and in their way of life. They have all the natural conditions necessary for a civilized life…”(29) More generally, these zones were used as a device to divide the world into the civilized and the uncivilized.(30)

While it is not really the focus of this post, it is interesting to note the parallels with western map making.  Most such maps were created during the height of European, specifically British, dominance, and show Europe/Great Britain at the centre.  Supporting texts from that era often refer to the peoples of Europe as being “civilized” and those who resided toward the outer fringes as being “barbarian” or “savage” and demonstrating all manner of unfortunate characteristics.  Hence, a more current example lends some support to the idea that map making is an ethnocentric endeavour, much as it appears in the Book of Curiosities.

The Book of Curiosities is an invaluable find. It is more than just a medieval Islamic book with maps, but a manuscript that gives historians key insights into early Islamic scientific knowledge. Looking at both the textual as well as cartographic information found within its pages, transfer of Greek knowledge lays present in many facets. Though I have only explored two areas in detail, the geocentric theory of the universe, and the separate climatic zones (one topic from each book) there are many more examples of Greek undertones that can be found if a close reading of the manuscript is performed. If anyone is interested in reading the manuscript, or taking a quick browse through, the Bodleian Library has been so kind as to upload high definition pictures of each page with a translation of text which can be found at http://cosmos.bodley.ox.ac.uk

 

The Bubonic Plague and it’s Origins in the city-state of Caffa

The Bubonic Plague, also known as the “Black Death”, is a deadly disease that ravaged Europe in the 8^th century and again in the 14^th century. It was a fast killing disease which spread rapidly. It is believed that the Plague began in Asia and eventually made its way to Europe along trade routes. One of the major trade routes the Plague is believed to have reached is the route leading to the trading city of Caffa, and from there it spread to cities throughout Europe. Caffa was the biggest seaport for long distance trade in the 13^th century making it a perfect starting point for the spread of disease like the Plague.

The Plague is a fast acting disease if left untreated, which was the case in 14^th century Europe as medicine was not as advanced as today and little was known of the Plague. The Plague is a bacterial infection that is caused by a bacterium known as Yersinia pestis.[1] The Plague is a zoonotic disease, meaning that it is spread through animal to human contact. Most commonly it is transmitted through the bites of infected fleas that have come into direct contact with infected animal tissue.[2] Symptoms of the plague are severe and come on fast; they include fever, chills, headache, and hemorrhages under skin causing discoloration, which is where the plague gets its name.[3]

“Buboes” covering the body

These hemorrhages are known as “buboes”, which are inflamed, extremely tender swelling of a lymph node. They are seen most often in the armpit or groin. These are just one of the characteristics of the bubonic plague.[4]

The migration of the Plague

There are many different theories as to where the plague originated. China, Mongolia, India, central Asia and southern Russia have all been suggested as possible points of origins.[6] Most historians have agreed on the fact that the Bubonic plague moved west from the north of the Black and Caspian Seas.[7] The Plague entered the Mediterranean from the Crimea after maritime trade had been established.[8] As illustrated in the picture, the plagues spread from the Mediterranean to the rest of Europe. Concerning the trading city of Caffa “almost everyone who had been in the East or in the regions to the South and North, fell victim to sudden death after contracting this pestilential disease”.[9] However, despite the fact that the plague was widespread throughout Europe, it did not reach the entire continent. The disease spread mainly through the Mediterranean routes, as the way to the west before the 13^th century was blocked by Goth’s Vandals and Huns. Once there was political unification, the Silk Road was reopened and trade resumed via land.[10] Along with the precious goods Europeans were receiving they also received the rats and fleas which spread the Plague.[11]

There are many different theories about exactly how the Plague was spread. At the time of the epidemic, there was very little medical knowledge concerning bacteria and diseases. It was believed that God, as a punishment for the people’s sins, sent the plague. The few physicians and other learned men with knowledge of classical Greek medicine attributed epidemic disease to something called miasma, which is the pollution of the air by noxious vapors containing poisonous elements that were caused by rotting, putrid matter, which were spread by wind.[12]The lack of medical knowledge in 13^th century Europe only promoted the spread of the Plague as no one knew how to treat it.

The plague was brought to Europe through rats. Rats would have come from Asia carrying the disease and would stow aboard trading ships. With the rats would come fleas that were infected with the Plague, they would bite the rats and infect them with the disease. During this time in Europe, especially in cities, living conditions were often poor as was hygiene so fleas were something most people had to deal with. These fleas would then infect humans with the disease once their rat hosts had died from the disease.[13] The Plague spread and as a result it killed quickly. Humans who were infected would live no more than a few days, rats living only for a few weeks and fleas could live a few months before succumbing to the disease.[14] The fleas ability to live for so long with the disease made them the perfect carriers. The city of Caffa was the perfect spot for fleas to infect rats that had travelled on cargo ships to trade in the city; these rats would then carry the disease with them as the ships travelled to other cities to trade.

The city of Caffa was one of the many city-states that had been established along the Mediterranean in an effort for Genoese merchants to capture profits from the long distance trading.

The city of Caffa and the route the Plague travelled 

By the time of the Ottoman conquest in 1475 the city of Caffa was the largest and most significant city in the early western expansion.[15] In 1346, the Tartar’s sieged the city of Caffa, “the heathen Tartar races, pouring together from all sides, suddenly invested the city of Caffa and besieged the trapped Christians there for almost three years.”[16]This happened right around when the plague began, leading to a belief of a link between the city of Caffa and the beginning of the Plague.[17] The city was the western stop for the Silk Road trade, where goods like silk were transported via caravan from Persia and sometimes as far as China.[18] Not only was the city a major destination for the trade of goods.

Caffa was a walled city circled by two concentric barricades that was under Italian rule. The city had many well-developed administrative buildings such as its own court and mint. It was able to develop into this city because it was a non-agriculture-commercial settlement.[19] Genoa and Venice were the two leading maritime powers of medieval Europe. With Caffa under Genoese rule that meant there was a lot of travel back and forth between the two cities making the spread of the Plague very easy. If the writings of Gabriel de’ Mussi are accurate then the plague was spread into Caffa by the Tartars siege. The Tartars began dying quickly from the Plague and they used the corpses of their dead soldiers as a means of killing their enemies in Caffa by hurling the bodies over the wall. Essentially they were in engaging in biological warfare.[20] Not only would this siege on Caffa be a possible start to the spread of the Plague but there is evidence that travelers, religious pilgrims, and fairgoers who traveled along these established trade routes, like the Silk Road, would have spread the Plague through contact of bodily fluids or just from breathing in their cough or sneeze.[21] This further proves that trade routes are the reason for the spread of the plague.

Based on this evidence of Caffa being the main merchant port for long distance trade with the east, I would say that the beginnings of the Plague started in Caffa. The Tartars brought the disease with them from the east and it killed the soldiers quickly once it began. The Tartars were left with many corpses that they were unable to dispose of, so they would use these corpses as a means to weaken their enemy. With these dead and diseased bodies being thrown into the city the corpses would have contaminated things like the water. This most likely led to the rats and fleas being infected by the plague. Rats like to hide away on cargo ships, so these ships that would be travelling out of Caffa to other ports, mainly Genoa or Venice, and the rats aboard would be going with them and then would spread the disease around the cities these ships travelled to. Evidence shows that there were higher mortality rates in areas that were closer to trade routes versus areas that were more distant and isolated from trade.[22]

The bubonic plague was one of the most, if not the most deadly period in European history. People died within days of contracting the Plague and there was such little medical knowledge at the time that people did not know how to treat it so the number of people that died from the disease is staggering. Trade routes are the reason this disease was able to spread so widely across Europe and it began with the merchant city of Caffa. This city was a major stopping point in the west for those merchants traveling from the East, and the Plague originated in the East. Once the disease had reached Caffa it quickly spread through the merchant ships traveling from Caffa to more major cities like Genoa and Venice and then spreading to the rest of Europe, devastating the population and making its mark on European history.

 

[1] Mark Wheelis, “Biological Warfare at the 1346 Siege of Caffa.” Emerg. Infect. Dis. Emerging Infectious Diseases 8, no. 9 (2002): 971

[2] Ibid

[3] Ibid

[4] “Bubo – Dictionary Definition.” Vocabulary.com. Accessed December 4, 2015. http://www.vocabulary.com/dictionary/bubo

[5] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_Death_migration

[6] Wheelis, “Biological Warfare at the 1346 Siege of Caffa, 971.

[7] Ibid 971

[8] Ibid 971

[9] Horrox R, ed. The Black Death. Manchester: Manchester University Press; 1994. p. 14–26.

[10] William J. Bernstein, Splendid exchange: How Trade Shaped the World (New York: Grove Press, 2008), 139.

[11] Ibid 139

[12] Ole J. Benedictow, The Black Death, 1346-1353: The Complete History. Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell Press, 2004: 3.

[13] Wheelis, “Biological Warfare at the 1346 Siege of Caffa.” 974.

[14] Bernstein, Splendid Exchange, 139.

[15] Eric Slater, “Caffa: Early Western Expansion in the Late Medieval World, 1261-1475.” XXXIX, no. 3 (2006):271

[16] Horrox, The Black Death, 14-26

[17] Horrox, The Black Death, 14-26

[18] ibid

[19] 273

[20] Horrox, The Black Death, 14-26

[21] Bossak and Welford, Did Medieval Trade Activity and a Viral Etiology Control the Spatial Extent and Seasonal Distribution of Black Death Mortality, 3.

[22] Ibid

Pope Urban II: The Call to Crusade

At the swing of the economic revolution in Europe, Urban II reigned as Pope from 1088 – 1099.[1] Originally known as Odo de Lagery, Urban II was born into a wealthy nobility family circa 1035.[2] Urban initially served as a cardinal under another reformer, Pope Gregory VII, but after Gregory’s death, Urban was named Pope and ultimately gained extremely influential power. Urban II, like Gregory before him, envisioned the idea of a holy war, a crusade, to liberate the Christian people in the East from Muslim control.[3] Urban believed that by making a pilgrimage to conquer the holy land of Jerusalem, the people of the West would help their companions in the East in their fight against the Saracens (another word for Muslims) and by doing so, spread the influence of Christianity. Urban argued that in order for his crusade to be successful there would have to be a strong sense of religious devotion within his people backed by a respected political figure with a strong social influence. At the Council of Clermont, in November of 1095, Urban presented his appeal to crusade.[4] Pope Urban’s speech influenced thousands of people from all “walks of life” who prepared to fight for Europe and begin the liberation of the East.[5] Without Pope Urban II’s influence the conquest of Jerusalem in 1099 would not have been possible.

Pope Urban II. Source: Wikipedia

The First Crusade was successful due to Urban’s ability to unify the West through Christianity. The people of Europe had become accustom to papal initiatives and rule during the reign of Pope Urban II.[6] They had been conditioned to act under the leadership of the Church. After a schism of power between feudal kingship and the Church, papal power became the predominant form of rule. Because Urban proposed the First Crusade as a spiritual pilgrimage towards the laity, they aspired to fight for their pope and religion.[7] During the First Crusade, the people of Western Europe were mainly Christian, all of whom believed in the idea of sins and sinful acts.[8] Urban used the idea of forgiveness of sins to influence his followers in a religious manner. He promised them penance for their sins if they joined him in his liberation of Jerusalem. Even if they had died in battle, Urban preached that God had given them permission to act violently in this holy war and therefore would still be forgiven for their sins.[9] The people of Europe were driven by the consequences of sin. Society revolved around the idea that sins upset the equilibrium of the community and the crusades provided a way to repent these sins for the laity. One example of a citizen responding to the idea being able to be forgiven for their sins is demonstrated through this quote by a citizen of Western Europe during the rule of Urban II;

“Considering that God has spared me, steeped in many and great sins, and has given me time for penance, and fearing that the weight of my sins will deprive me of a share in the heavenly kingdom, I, Ingelbald, wish to seek that sepulchre from which our redemption, having overcome death, wished to rise.”[10]

Urban used the idea of sin to his advantage. By proposing the forgiveness of sins to the laity, he successfully influenced his people through religion to participate in the crusade.

Urban also used the idea of religious symbols to instil within his followers the spirit of the crusade. Displays of religious action were an effective way to demonstrate religious devotion. To show religious devotion, the people of Western Europe set out on their pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Jerusalem was the place where one of the greatest religious symbols, Jesus Christ, had lived, died and was buried.[11] Pope Urban knew that by using religious symbolism in the form of religious actions and figures, he would be able to unite the people under Christianity in his drive to free Jerusalem.

The Conquest of Jerusalem. Source: Wikipedia

Crosses, the symbol of Christianity, were stitched into the crusaders clothing, providing another example of religious devotion.[12] Statues of religious saints scattered all across major Western European cities gave the laity reason to devote themselves to Christianity and the Pope.[13] These statues glorified those who had committed themselves to Christianity and influenced many to do the same. Urban stressed the importance of rescuing Jerusalem, and through the influence of sins and various religious symbols; he was able to instil the spirit of the crusade within his people that led to the liberation of the Holy Land.

Urban’s plan to unite his followers was impacted by social influences, all of which managed to help convince the people of Western Europe to join the crusade. The Church protected all personal belongings when people left for the crusades, and the town’s local bishop was responsible for keeping these belongings safe.[14] The crusaders were also required to swear an oath to God to prove their allegiance to the cross and the Church.[15] Because individuals became subject to the control of the Church, they were bound to their duty to the cross. The vow of allegiance to the cross provided Urban with complete control over thousands of willing crusaders ready to fight for their leader.

The Pope and his bishops also knew that for some material gain proved to be a highly socially motivated reason for enrolling in the crusades. During Urban’s speech at Clermont, he proclaimed the repentance of sin would not be permitted if the motive for crusading was to become wealthy.[16] The power of religion, backed by Urban’s ability to control the people of Europe, meant the call to crusade would ultimately be successful.

Map of the First Crusade; 1095-1099

Urban II’s power inspired the spirit of the crusade in the West. The peoples of Western Europe had become accustom to papal rule, and because of this were subject to all decisions made by the Pope. The First Crusade was under complete control of the Church and therefore, under the command of Urban II. [17] Urban’s Council at Clermont speech was very influential in a political sense. He gathered the entire support of the crowd, the nobility and the peasants, as they cried “Deus le volt!” meaning “God wills it!” to show their support towards the crusade.[18] An account of Urban’s speech at Clermont from Fulcher of Chartres provides a look into both Urban’s role as political leader and his desire for the people of Western Europe to be motivated by Christianity;

“Most beloved brethren: Urged by necessity, I, Urban, by the permission of God chief bishop and prelate over the whole world, have come into these parts as an ambassador with a divine admonition to you, the servants of God. I hoped to find you as faithful and as zealous in the service of God as I had supposed you to be. But if there is in you any deformity or crookedness contrary to God’s law, with divine help I will do my best to remove it”[19]

Urban II used papal proclamation to influence the people of Western Europe to join the crusading movement.[20] While bishops and monks were not allowed to participate in the crusade itself, they played a role in the recruitment for the First Crusade. Urban sent specific agencies of these bishops to various other places to preach about the crusade and spread the message.[21] When people of these towns heard this they were eager to join in the crusading movement, and when the seigniorial class was willing to participate, so were the lower class.[22]

The knights and lords involved in the crusade helped to fund it, so getting the message out to as many towns as possible was essential for Urban’s call to crusade to be successful. The preaching of the crusade turned out to be an extremely influential political decision that led to instilling the spirit of the crusade in the West. One other major political impact that Urban had on influencing the crusade was the alliances he made with other political figures. Urban II created and alliance with the Genoese, many of whom eventually converted to the cross, during the expedition of the crusade.[23] It was this alliance that allowed the crusaders to receive protected transportation overseas to Jerusalem where they would begin the liberation of the Holy Land. This example of Urban’s political alliance with the Genoese showed how his political power and influence played a role in helping in the eventual conquest of Jerusalem because he created alliances that benefitted both himself and his people. Pope Urban II’s Council at Clermont speech, along with the preaching of the crusading movement by his bishops, led to the inspiration of the spirit of the crusade in the West, and the eventual take-over of Jerusalem.

What Pope Urban the II initiated would come to shape and define medieval culture in the West. Interestingly enough, Marshall Baldwin claims that while Urban was content with placing himself at the head of the crusade, he had no intention of gaining anything from it.[24] Urban’s motive for crusading was therefore religious; not personal. The First Crusade would become the precedent for those to come. The call to crusade could not have been successful without Urban II.

 

[1] Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 2: The First Crusade and the Foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1951), 100.

[2] Matthew Gabriele, “The Last Carolingian Exegete: Pope Urban II, the Weight of Tradition, and Christian Reconquest.” Church History 81, no. 4 (2012): 799.

[3] Jean Richard, The Crusades, c. 1071-c. 1291, (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. 1999), 20.

[4] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 29.

[5] Shmuel Shepkaru. “The Preaching of the First Crusade and the Persecutions of the Jews.” Medieval Encounters 18, no. 1 (2012): 93.

[6] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades, 27.

[7] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades, 33.

[8] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades, 27.

[9] Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 2: The First Crusade and the Foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1951), 108.

[10] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the idea of crusading, (New York City & London: The Athlone Press, 1993), 23.

[11] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 29.

[12] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the idea of crusading, 23.

[13] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 29.

[14] Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 109.

[15] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the idea of crusading, (New York City & London: The Athlone Press, 1993), 23.

[16] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the idea of crusading, 21.

[17] Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 2: The First Crusade and the Foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1951), 109.

[18] Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 109.

[19] Fulcher of Chartres: Gesta Francorum Jerusalem Expugnantium Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos, ((New York: Scribners, 1905), 513-17.

[20] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 43.

[21] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades, 43.

[22] Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades, 49.

[23] Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 2: The First Crusade and the Foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1951), 112.

[24] Marshall W. Baldwin, “Some Recent Interpretations of Pope Urban II’s Eastern Policy.” The Catholic Historical Review, 25(4), (1940): 465.

Norse Ships: The Key to Viking Success

The Norse are popularly remembered as one of the most feared warrior societies in history, and it is for that reason that many people believe their military prowess was the key to their successes. Often over-looked is the vessel design and construction which facilitated their widespread military campaigns and trade networks. They stimulated trade networks that were unrivalled by their contemporaries, in terms of both distance and variety. Their method for raiding towns and villages, a tactic fundamental to their military and economic successes, would not have been nearly as effective without their unique ships. The Norse peoples raided, traded and settled in various regions from modern day Russia and the Middle East through Northern Europe all the way across the Atlantic Ocean to what would become Canada. While there are a number of possible reasons why this vast network was established, perhaps the single most important facilitator of this network was the nautical technology and knowledge of the Norse peoples. The Norse network was established and thrived due in large part to their ship building prowess which allowed them to traverse long distances across various waterways to interact with peoples living in regions far from their homeland.

The design and structure of the Norse ships were superior to other ships of the period, giving them a distinct advantage over their contemporaries¹. In order to understand why the Norse ships were so fundamental to their military and economic successes, a brief account of how the ships were constructed is required. Norse ships used for exploration, war and long distance trade were predominantly “longships”, but consisted of several different types and sizes, each designed for specific needs. There were two main types of Norse ships. Firstly, there was Cargo ships, which were mostly used to transport large quantities of goods. The second ships were warships, which could be used to transport small amounts of goods, in addition to numerous warriors². Generally, the warships were longer and narrower then the cargo ships and were designed to carry more men.Initially, the warships had to be rowed, since in the early years of Norse exploration they did not have sails³. The cargo ships had a slightly deeper draft and could safely carry significantly more weight than a similarly sized warship. Since they were operated by fewer men, they were primarily powered by a large square sail. While these two types of ships do differ somewhat in terms of design, they were constructed using many of the same materials and technologies. The Norse ships were constructed using the “clinker” method, which involved overlapping the edges of the planks used to make the ships⁴. This technique resulted in a lighter ship which as a result displaced less water, making it both faster and lighter then ships made using the edge to edge “carvel” technique.

Comparison of Clink-built and Carvel-built hulls. Source: Wikipedia

The planks used to construct the ships were also critical to the structure of the ships. At the beginning of the Norse age, ships were mostly built using wide planks that were made by “riving” long oak logs. “Rived” planks were made by splitting logs using axes, chisels an wedges. This technique produces stronger planks than the alternative, sawed planks, because it goes with the grain of the wood, resulting in both strong yet flexible planks⁵. It also allowed for the Norse ships to use relatively thin planks, helping to keep their ships lightweight and maneuverable. The main structure of Norse ships was the keel, which runs along the bottom of the ship and was also usually constructed out of oak. The planks were attached to the keel, overlapping as they went upwards towards the open top of the ship. Norse ships also featured “ribs” which were connected to the keel and were critical to maintaining the structure of the ship in rough seas⁶. The planks were connected to the ribs along the length of the ship, often through the use of expensive iron rivets or copper nails⁷. This ship design allowed Norse ships to be flexible enough to bend with large rolling waves, but also durable enough so as not to fall apart in the harsh cold open waters of the North Atlantic. Their ships are considered to be the sturdiest until the emergence of the Clipper tall-ship in the 19^th century⁸.

Norse exploration of the Northern Atlantic during the 8^th and 9^th centuries involved a number of unprecedented voyages to unknown and remote regions of the globe which would not have been possible without their naval expertise. This exploration led to Norse settlements in remote regions including Iceland, Greenland and Eastern Canada. Some have even speculated that some Norse peoples settled in central North America⁹, although there seems to be little evidence supporting this theory. The Norse trade network in the North Atlantic was heavily reliant on the Norse peoples’ ability to use ships to transport their goods in the open ocean and in the coastal regions along Scandinavia, Britain and the North and Baltic seas. North America would have been incredibly appealing to the Norse because of the vasts forests that could provide wood for their ever important ships¹⁰. As would the agricultural potential following the environmental degradation that occurred in Greenland¹¹. The Norse cargo ships were specially designed to carry large quantities of heavy cargo in rough waters, which made it possible to economically transport goods over long distances by sea. Their trade routes in the Northern Atlantic led to the development of a number of coastal market towns along the coast of Scandinavia and the Baltic regions, many of which were inhabited by the Norse people. Additionally, the Norse traded with many other peoples throughout Europe, transporting goods along the coast of the Atlantic Ocean and Mediterranean Sea. Many of their trading partners were also the peoples from whom they raided, which was another manner by which they stimulated exchange of goods in the North Atlantic, albeit a violent one. Nonetheless, Norse raids along the coasts of Europe and the British Isles were critical to the establishment and proliferation of North Atlantic trade routes and would not have been possible without their advanced nautical capabilities and unique ship design.

The trade markets used by the Norse were not limited to coastal towns in their homeland or other regions in which they settled but also included cities and peoples in regions far from those inhabited by the Norse people. Without the versatility of their ships, many of the shipping routes used by the Norse people would not have been attainable. The Norse ships were designed to have a very shallow draft, meaning that they could be used in shallow waters, including rivers and along unknown shorelines¹². This unique trait made it possible for the Norse to move large quantities of goods efficiently and safely along the inland waterways of Europe and the British Isles. It was also highly beneficial when raiding because it allowed them to row their ships right up to the shore of the towns and villages they raided¹³, giving their victims minimal time to prepare for an attack. It also allowed for a quick and simple escape if a raid did not go as planned. When in enemy territories, both inland and at sea, the Norse were often able to find safe havens by beaching their boats along sections of shoreline that were essentially impregnable by foot and could not be easily accessed by the ships of their enemies due to shallow waters. This allowed the Norse to both explore and raid relatively risk free, even with larger opposing forces nearby and aware of their presence. When the Norse were raiding deep into Francia, they used the Seine river to traverse far enough to attack Paris¹⁴. One of the key reasons they were able to do so was their ability to take refuge on islands along the river, even though these islands did not have any ports. The versatility of the Norse ships made their movements unpredictable and difficult for the enemies to combat, a trait that was also highly useful for war and trade. By the end of the 11^th century, the Norse had raided or settled in coastal regions or along inland rivers in modern day Spain, Portugal, France, Italy, Belgium, Morocco, Russia and the British Isles, to name but a few.

Map indicating Norse settlements and areas they raided. Source: Wikipedia

This speaks to their unique combination of military and seafaring prowess, neither of which would have been possible without their ship design. Since the Norse often raided and traded in regions outside of their military control, the safety of the traders and their goods was rarely guaranteed. This was especially true along the inland trade routes, where traders were commonly attacked for their goods. Even if the waterway being used by the Norse were blocked by enemies, they could quickly reverse their direction because their ships were symmetrical from bow to stern and operated by rowers. The small cargo boats used on these trade routes were capable of navigating stretches of rapids where bandits would commonly attack traders whom were forced to transport goods by over land.

The ingenuity of the Norse ship design was not limited to their use on the water. When traveling, trading and settling various regions across the North Atlantic and Europe the ships could be used as quick but effective make-shift land-based shelters. The ships were equipped with rollers, making it easy to pull the boats ashore¹⁵. By pulling the boats out of the water and flipping them over to their sides, their occupants could quickly provide themselves with a shelter under which they could rest and be spared of the elements. Considering the remote, cold and unforgivable climates that the Norse often traversed, being able to quickly assemble an adequate shelter could quite conceivably save lives. For example, when the Norse were first exploring Greenland and North America, they did so with relatively small crews, limited provisions and no way to call for help. If they lost crew members to hypothermia and exposure near the Arctic Circle it could easily render their trip home an impossibility or at the least make their journey even more dangerous and arduous then it already was. In the case of rough weather on the water, the Norse were able to quickly land their ships upon a nearby shore and assemble a shelter, a luxury that many other types of ships used for long distance travel were not capable of providing. Although Norse ships lacked much shelter and room to sleep while on the water, they made up for it with their versatility along shorelines.

In addition to their use as land-based shelters, the Norse were also able to portage some of their ships across land¹⁶. Since the ships were relatively lightweight, they could be carried from one body of water to another. This capability was critical to the establishment of the Norse trade routes which traversed Eastern Europe from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea and Middle East¹⁷. Both the “Volga” and “Varangian to the Greeks” trade routes required a portage¹⁸. Once these regions were settled, it is likely that goods would have been exchanged to ships further along the river system so as to avoid having to portage the ships. Nonetheless, being able to portage their ships was critical to the Norse establishment of these highly successful trade routes. They did need to be careful, since many Medieval trade routes were commonly occupied by bandits. However, being able to portage the ships would have been useful and given the Norse more options then those afforded to other traders. Since they also had smaller warships ships capable of carrying a large number of men, the cargo ships could also be accompanied by warships containing a significant number of warriors to help make sure the goods arrived safely.

Even when the Norse ships were no longer sea worthy they still served a purpose. Some ships would be dismantled to recycle some of the wood and other materials¹⁹, while others would be used as a burial and others sunk to be used as underwater barricades at the entrances to their harbors²⁰. The ships were such a large and important part of Norse society that some of their most revered members of society were put in them after they died. This practice is described in the poem Beowulf,

“Scyld, the leader beloved who long had ruled….
In the roadstead rocked a ring-dight vessel,
ice-flecked, outbound, atheling’s barge:
there laid they down their darling lord
on the breast of the boat, the breaker-of-rings,
by the mast the mighty one. Many a treasure
fetched from far was freighted with him.
No ship have I known so nobly dight
with weapons of war and weeds of battle,
with breastplate and blade: on his bosom lay
a heaped hoard that hence should go
far o’er the flood with him floating away.”²¹

Ships were expensive, so this practice would have only applied to the more affluent and important members of Norse society. However, it reveals the admiration Norse society as a whole had for their ships.

Norse Burning ship burial re-enactment. Source: deepfocusfilmstudies.com

The expertly designed and crafted Norse ships were fundamental to Norse success, as demonstrated by their trade and raiding exploits on rivers and coastlines all over Europe, as well as their unprecedented North Atlantic voyages. Norse ships had a number of advantages which were simply unmatched by their European contemporaries, making it possible for the Norse people to become a major European power for several centuries.

 

 

 

 

 

1Bruun, Per. “The Viking Ship.” Journal of Coastal Research 13, no. 4 (1997): 1289.

2Bruun, 1286.

3Bruun, 1282.

4Garrison, Ervan G. A History of Engineering and Technology: Artful Methods. Boca Raton: CRC Press, 1991. 111.

5Bruun, 1283.

6Bruun, 1283.

7Garrison, 112-113.

8Garrison, 113.

9Hughey, Michael W, and Michael G Michlovic. “”Making” History: The Vikings in the American Heartland.” International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 2, no. 3 (1989). 338.

10Hoidal, Oddvar K. “Norsemen and the North American Forests.” Journal of Forest History 24, no. 4 (1980). 202.

11Dugmore, Andrew J., Christian Keller, and Thomas H. Mcgovern. “Norse Greenland Settlement: Reflections on Climate Change, Trade, and the Contrasting Fates of Human Settlements in the North Atlantic Islands.”Arctic Anthropology 44, no. 1 (2007). 14.

12Bruun, 1286.

13Bruun, 1289.

14Batchelor, Stephen J. Medieval History for Dummies. Hoboken, N.J.: Wiley, 2010. 101.

15Roddis, Louis H. The Norsemen in the New World. Minneapolis, Minn.: Augsburg Pub. House, 1923. 53.

16Bruun, 1288.

17Bruun, 1288.

18Morris, A. S. “The Medieval Emergence Of The Volga-Oka Region.”Annals of the Association of American Geographers 61, no. 4 (1971). 698.

19Bruun, 1282.

20Bruun, 1282.

21“Medieval Sourcebook: Beowulf, 8th Century.” Fordham University. http://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/beowulf.asp.